The Neglected Half of Chayanov’s Rule

Any economic unit, including the peasant farm is acquisitive—an undertaking aiming at maximum income. . . . But in the family farm, apart from capital available expressed in means of production, this tendency is limited by the family labor force and the increasing drudgery of work if its intensity is forced up.                                      (Alexander Chayanov 1925)

From the quote above was derived Chayanov’s rule: “the amount of time peasants devote to work is proportionate to the household dependency ratio of consumers to producers.” Marshall Sahlins (1972) brought the “rule” to the fore of U.S. anthropological discourse in Stone Age Economics, an ethnographic tour de force in which he expounded on the way members of nonindustrial societies, limited by the domestic mode of production (production organized around the household), maximize leisure time rather than profits or productivity. But also inherent in Chayanov’s rule was a principle that bears directly on the point I want to make here.  We can call it, ‘Chayanov’s Other Rule’: and that is that small farmers dependent on non-industrialized technologies and “limited by the family labor force” maximize child births in an effort to increase the size of that labor force.

The point was not lost on other social scientists. The economic value of children among small farmers and the impact that value had on fertility was widely accepted and rigorously substantiated as a basic tenet of anthropological and demographic theory up to and through the 1970s (Notestein 1945; Liebenstein 1957; Becker 1960; Freeman 1962; Boserup 1965). Mahmood Mamdani (1973: 14) conducted research in an Indian village and summarized what became a consensus among many scholars when he wrote that “People are not poor because they have large families. Quite the contrary: They have large families because they are poor.” At about the same time, White (1973, 1976, 1982), Nag et al. (1978), and Cain (1977) carried out similarly renowned studies empirically demonstrating that impoverished families, particularly those engaged in farming-oriented household livelihood strategies, deliberately use high fertility to maximize the household labor force.

Demographer John Caldwell (1976) took the point to its logical conclusion, setting up what should have been the beginning of a florescence of explanations for family, kinship, and courting patterns focusing on the importance of child labor among small farmers. In his theory of intergenerational wealth flows, Caldwell (1982: 33) defined wealth as “money, goods, services, and guarantees that one person provides to another,” and he argued that when wealth flowed from children to parents—as for example, when children were a valuable source of labor—fertility would be high as would the emotional and cultural reinforcements that encouraged high birthrates. This is precisely what can be seen in rural Haiti today (read this for a short summary). Rural Haitians are radically pronatal; the entire rural Haitian social-kinship system and associated attitudes, opinions, and emotions are adapted to maximizing high birthrates and child survival; and the economic value of children in terms of their contributions to household productivity cannot and never has been empirically disputed—not in Haiti. Moreover, this same extreme pronatalism and economic value of children was, I will show, abundantly evident elsewhere in the Caribbean before the growth of the tourist and industrial sectors transformed most regional economies. But first, returning to the issue of economic explanations for high fertility, on the scholarly front something subsequently went strangely awry.

Beginning in the 1980s and 1990s, Social scientists began to steer clear of explanations that gave child labor contributions a determinant role in high fertility and the formulation of social and kinship patterns. New studies contradicted earlier ones, concluding that children were rarely if ever a net value to the parental generation (Das Gupta 1994; Lee 1996). Others focused on old-age security as the principal economic advantage of offspring, effectively making the intergenerational flow of wealth from children to parents so remote that it became, at best, a secondary determinant variable (Hugo 1997; Schellekens 1993; DeLancey 1990; Lillard and Willis 1997; Lee et al. 1994). This was not simply a trend among scholars new to the argument. John Caldwell also changed his emphasis, explaining resistance to fertility decline in sub-Saharan Africa with reasons that are “cultural and have much to do with a religious belief system” (Caldwell and Caldwell 1987: 409).

The new trend—that of denying the economic utility of children—can be linked to a shift in our Western value system of which most anthropologists are a part (Lancy 2007). In her study of the evolution of child-adult play. Adriana Zelizer (1985: 171) concluded, “while in the nineteenth century a child’s capacity for labor determined its exchange value, the market price of a twentieth century child was set by smiles, dimples and curls”; and in a study by Gary Cross (2004: 4), “Today, as never before, we are obsessed with kids. We come close to worshipping them.” David Lancy (2007) suggests that it was in fact developed Western governments that imposed these new values on poor countries. Post-WWII institutions founded to export the new values included the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF, founded in 1946), Compassion International (1952), the International Association for the Child’s Right to Play (1961), Children Incorporated (1964), Child Defense Fund (1973), and the Alliance for Childhood (1997).

The rise of Western child worship and the well-funded institutions that exported the new values became part of the failure to explain why fertility in much of the world was high in the first place. It is a classic example of how anthropology has been undermined by the same forces that drive the discipline—funding agencies. Lancy captured the relationship when he explained:

With modernization, fertility dropped, demand for child workers dried up, and suburbia mushroomed. Gone were the extended family, the “mother ground” where children played [and worked] under the casual supervision of adults in the vicinity, and the large brood of sibling playmates. In their place we have the image of the carefree young mother pushing her toddler on a swing in the backyard. An image that owed much to mass media and marketing became enshrined in academic discourse as well. (2007: 277–78)

The scholarly negation of the economic utility of children occurred in the face of overwhelming evidence to the contrary. A close look at how this denial of child labor occurred in the Caribbean and in Haiti demonstrates the extremity of the trend and accents why, in order to understand kinship systems and family patterns, it is so important to rectify it.

Pronatalism in the Caribbean

Documentation of children in the non-industrialized Caribbean and their important role as contributors to traditional household livelihood strategies abounded in the ethnographic record. On the island of Montserrat, “in the terms of the day-to-day household activities . . . the child is a definite asset.” (Philpott 1973: 138). In Jamaica, “life is very strenuous for a peasant child . . . there are innumerable tasks to be done around the yard” (Kerr 1952: 47–48). In Trinidad, “a child is expected to help with a variety of tasks . . . as soon as the child ‘has sense,’ or as soon as he ‘can walk and talk’” (Rodman 1971: 83). Among the Black Carib in British Honduras, “children help with household tasks, doing such things as carrying water, running errands, sweeping the house and compound. . . . Children of three or four may carry out many of these activities” (Gonzalez 1969: 53). In St. Vincent, “Young children were also perceived as economically useful. Children help around the house by performing chores, caring for smaller children, rearing livestock, running errands” (Gearing 1988: 236). In Barbados, “At five . . . [children] start caring for the ‘stocks,’ carrying water from the pipe, and ‘cleaning the wares.’ Boys . . . care for the animals, cut ‘meat’ [grass], carry water and help on the land. Their sisters learn to cook, wash clothes, clean the house, and shop with mother” (Greenfield 1966: 106). In Barbuda, “When six years old, boys and girls alike begin to carry water and look after the younger children. They run errands, scrub, and go to the shop . . . do laundry and cook. . . . help sow, weed and harvest (Berleant-Schiller 1978: 259). In St. John, “Children were sent to the spring to get water when they could carry a pail on their head . . . to find firewood in the bush . . . sweep the yard and help with food preparations . . . watering and re-staking daily the animals that were kept in the bush. They helped cultivate the provision ground and burn the coal, and often had to ‘hold water’ [keep the boats in position] when the fish pots were being hauled (Olwig 1985: 118–19).

Congruent with child labor contributions, pronatalism was an outstanding cultural feature of the traditional non-industrialized Caribbean. People wanted children and customs, beliefs, and behaviors encouraged high birth rates. In St. Vincent, for example, it was believed that a woman who could not have children was, “tragic, sad, and pitiable” (Gearing 1988: 235) and as with women, “a man who could not have children is equally scorned, and his masculinity and virility are called into question” (Gearing 1988: 237). In Jamaica, “a child is God’s gift”; “nothing should be done to prevent the birth of a child”; “no woman who has not proved that she can bear a child is likely to find a man to be responsible for her”; and “just as a woman is only considered ‘really’ a woman after she has borne a child, so the proof of a man’s maleness is the impregnation of a woman” (Clarke 1966: 95, 96). In summarizing the results of 1,600 interviews from the extensive Women in the Caribbean Project (WICP 1979–1982), Olive Senior (1991: 68) concluded that, “there is an almost universal impulse to mothering,” “Virtually all women are mothers. . . . Childless women are scorned,” they are “mules” and they are “beyond the pale of society.”

In addition to the general desire for children and the censure of childless individuals, there were beliefs that militated against birth control. Physical and mental disorders were associated with contraceptive use, abortion, and childlessness. In rural Suriname, if a woman did not have the destined number of children she might get “cancer” (Buschkens 1974: 223). In Jamaica “she will be nervous, have headaches, and even go insane” (Kerr 1952: 25). Young Jamaican girls were instilled with “horror” regarding abortion, and told things like the child’s head and nails remain in the womb (Blake 1961: 200). Even coitus interruptus was abhorred, as illustrated by Blake’s informant who equated it with murder, explaining that:

When the liquid is coming you can get up and throw it away but at the same time it is your blood you dashing away, and for that reason I don’t like it. It is a sin, because you are destroying your blood, it is like killing a child. (Blake 1961; 201)

When explaining this pronatal complex of customs and behavior—extreme desire for children and aversion to contraceptives—one would expect that social scientists, especially anthropologists, would have turned to the child labor contributions that were so assiduously documented in the ethnographic literature. As a rule they did not.

Despite overwhelming evidence to the contrary, social scientists working in the Caribbean contradicted their own reports and denied the economic utility of children; and they did this much earlier on than the rejection of the utility of children found elsewhere.

Judith Blake (1961), co-author of the most influential demographic paradigm of the 20th century—the proximate and intermediate determinants of fertility (Davis and Blake 1956)—asked a sample of sixty-five Jamaican women, “What is your idea of a good son?” Fully 95 percent of the women interviewed replied, one who “helps” with productive household tasks. The next most common response (36%) was a son who “obeys,” which according to Blake meant “he heeds instructions . . . willingly helps in domestic chores,” “thinks of his parents all the time . . . considers in every way he can help them.” Only 11 percent of respondents mentioned “love or affection.” Yet, despite her informants clearly telling her the contrary, and despite acknowledging that “the child in the poorer strata of Jamaican society appears to lead a fairly burdensome and chore-ridden life,” (62) Blake decided that high fertility in Jamaica had little or nothing to do with child labor contributions. It was, according to Blake, “a means to non-economic ends” (250–51).

This tendency to note the critical economic contributions children made to the household while at the same time downplaying child labor as a determinant of pronatalism or high birth rates was not the oversight of a select few social scientists; it was and is representative of the entire body of anthropological, sociological, and demographic literature on the Caribbean. In her summary of findings from the Women in the Caribbean Project and exhaustive review of Caribbean ethnographies, Olive Senior summarized:

Where there is no piped water, children are assigned the task of carrying water from a river or spring some distance from the house. Where there is no cooking gas or electricity or other easily available fuel, seeking firewood—sometimes at a great distance—is a major daily task. Where there is no refrigeration and the family income arrives in a fragmentary way, running to the shop for basic items as needed is a constant activity. Caring for domestic animals and garden plots, helping with laundry, cooking, cleaning and other housekeeping tasks and caring for younger siblings are all regarded as the duties of children.       (Senior 1991:34)

Quoting Brodber (1986: 60) in Jamaica, Senior drove the point home:

Children are seen as appendages of elders and have little existence of their own; rarely can they find occasions to slip away to play with neighboring children. . . . As their parents hire no help, and as there are no labor saving devices, their human energy is very highly valued and is not frittered away in play.                                                           (Senior 1991: 34)

But having said this, Senior subsequently summarized explanations from the Caribbean ethnographic literature, presenting children as a maternal burden, wanted because childbearing is the way that a woman “proves herself to a man,” the way she “completes a family,” the way she achieves “social recognition,” the result of the “widespread belief in the biblical injunction to be ‘fruitful and multiply,’” and thus bearing children is “a good thing to do,” an activity that “makes you feel like a woman” and allows women to “realize their self-image” to derive “psychic satisfaction” (Senior 1991: 67–69). In all of Senior’s discussion of the causes of pronatalism, the only material factor cited is that woman want children because they are useful as “minders in old age” (Senior 1991: 67). Nothing is said about the benefits of young children as contributors to household production, benefits that, as seen, Senior herself noted are of major significance.

Illustrative of the point is also Penn Handwerker, deservedly among the most respected contemporary anthropologists in the field of fertility, a scholar who has provided the social sciences with our most powerful cross-cultural statistical model for fertility decline (see Handwerker 1989). When referring to the islands of St. Lucia, Barbados, and Antigua, Handwerker (1993) explained that the economic value of children for women consisted not in labor utility but in the fact that “childbearing was a singularly effective way to secure their future material welfare [a reference to old age] and to establish the relatively permanent ties to men that improved their immediate material welfare” (1993: 45).1 Handwerker (1989: 87) made a similar argument with regard to Barbados, saying that “the probability a woman could adequately support herself through her own employment was close to zero.” The reason women had children in the first place was that “young women overtly traded sex for financial support. Pregnancies and children occurred as mere byproducts of that exchange” (Handwerker 1989: 87–88).

As with many scholars, Handwerker’s focus was on economic opportunities that would have been expected in upper-class Western industrialized societies, specifically “employment” and outside economic opportunity. But he gave little attention to the household as a woman’s realm of productive activity or to other nonformal work activities and, most importantly, to the value of children in accomplishing such work. And he did this despite noting that:

All children began working when they were capable of helping. . . . As early as five or six, girls began to sweep, dust, straighten, to wash, dry, and put dishes away. To fetch water, put water on for tea, to look for eggs, feed the chickens, collect firewood, and to wash, iron, and dry clothes. Boys too were assigned tasks at early ages . . . their tasks were primarily outside chores—boys took care of the stock and helped their fathers. (Handwerker 1989: 81–82)

Anthropologist Ann Brittain is another example. Brittain (1990) made the counterintuitive and demographically startling observation that fertility rates on the islands of St. Barthelemy and St. Vincent and the Grenadines (1991a) increased with male migration (fewer men but more babies)—something that flies in the face of conventional demographic wisdom, but that, as will be seen in chapter 18, is tantamount to a demographic rule in the traditional Caribbean and has befuddled a host of other anthropologists. Having discovered this demographic oddity, Brittain offered a tentative explanation and in doing so de-emphasized the value of child labor in favor of preeminence of contributions, not from young children, but from adult offspring who twenty years after they were born might seek remunerated employment on distant islands and share it with their mothers:

The most likely explanation for the connection between the crude rate of emigration five years earlier seems to be that parents were not acting directly in response to the loss of children through death or migration, but anticipating the emigration of some of their offspring when they reached adulthood. . . . Children provide valuable labour in farming families but the presence of adult offspring may be even more important as a support of old age. (Brittain 1990: 57)

The point is not that the cited scholars did shoddy research. Senior, Handwerker, and Brittain have produced some of the most commendable anthro-demographic studies on family and fertility in the Caribbean. The point is that they illustrate how social scientists have, for whatever reason, glossed over the significance of child labor contributions to household livelihood strategies and, as I will attempt to demonstrate, in doing so have fallen short of explaining the determinants of high fertility and family patterns in the region. Despite their own data, they attributed birth rates to causes such as the desire to feel like a woman, biblical injunctions to “be fruitful and multiply,” inadvertent byproducts of sex, and the value of grown offspring; at the same time scholars were often insistent about viewing young children as a burden. Although they often provided the data that showed otherwise, they paid little attention to the role that children played in making households productive and little attention to how female engagement in extra-household marketing activities depended on child labor contributions.

Child Labor and Pronatalism in Haiti

Concerning the literature on rural Haiti, an area with perhaps the richest history of ethnographic accounts and currently the largest and one of the few remaining bastions of traditional non-industrialized Caribbean lifestyles, emphasis on the importance of child labor co-present with a rejection of its role as a determinant of pronatalism has been the norm. Similar to other regions of the Caribbean, children in rural Haiti are highly prized. They are the mark of adulthood and they bring the individual respect. As one of the very first ethnographers in Haiti, George Simpson (1942: 670) reported that “the peasant couple wishes to have children, and to have the largest number possible.” Simpson recognized that Haitian pronatalism derived from the value of child labor, which he said is of such “great assistance to the family” that rural Haitians say, “if it is necessary to choose between a large fortune without children and a large family without money, one must not hesitate to choose the large family without money.” (Simpson 1942: 670).

But virtually all other ethnographers at the time and since have wavered on the issue. Melville Herskovits (1937: 101) wrote that in Haiti, “at about the age of seven or eight the children’s play-life is invaded by the serious work which they must assume.” But when it came to pronatal attitudes and high fertility, Herskovits never mentioned child labor activities, preferring instead to explain the desire for children and high fertility with factors such as “love” and “prestige,” “absence of contraceptives,” and “tradition” (Herskovits 1937: 89).2 Thirty years later Gerald Murray (1977) spent twenty-one months living in a low-altitude plains community in central Haiti and he carried out what is among the most exhaustive systematic investigations of Caribbean farmers’ opinions regarding fertility ever conducted. One of the questions Murray asked his sample of 227 farming men and women was, “why they liked to have children/didn’t like to remain childless.” When interpreting his data Murray concluded that, “the data strongly suggest that the current utility of children in the ongoing domestic economy has come to play a secondary role” (1977: 273). Murray preferred to explain the “primary role” as the result of sociocultural evolutionary processes that, through selective advantages, had given way to the emergence of costly funeral rites: families were forced to sell off property to cover the costs of funerals for deceased elders, the forced sale of the property functioning as a societal mechanism for the redistribution of land. But, although Murray’s argument is fascinating and his contributions to the ethnographic literature on Haiti arguably exceed in breadth and quality that of any other scholar, his ranking of the reasons people gave for wanting children was flawed. Murray split the response itil (useful). When coding his open-ended questions, he created two categories for the term: One for the 30 percent of farmers who said they wanted children because children were itil (“useful”) but did not specify why (“unspecified useful”); and another category for the 32 percent of farmers who said that children were itil and added that the reason was because they helped accomplish agricultural and domestic tasks. But in the investigations I conducted in northwest Haiti, informants used itil as a catchall term to refer to the usefulness of children in accomplishing chores, whether those chores were helping around the house, helping with the animals, in the gardens, or running to the market. There was no ambiguity in this regard. Thus, if the same were true for informants in Murray’s research area—and Murray gives no reason to believe otherwise—then the “current utility” of children was not “playing a secondary role,” rather, with a total of 62 percent respondents, it was playing the primary role. Of Murray’s 277 respondents in Kinanbwa, Haiti, 67 (30%) said children were itil (agricultural and domestic), 72 (32%) said itil but didn’t specify, 108 (48%) said old age and sickness, and 123 (54%) said burial (Murray 1977: 273). (Respondents could choose more than a single category.)

Another highly respected and excellent anthropological work on life in rural Haiti was that of Ira Lowenthal (1987), who spent four years living in a village on Haiti’s southern peninsula. Lowenthal titled his dissertation Marriage is 20, Children are 21, a proverb that has nothing to do with age—as it might intuitively seem to outsiders—but rather highlights the value Haitian farmers attach to children. The proverb means that while marriage is a prestigious behavior—it gets a high number—having children is of even greater importance—it gets an even higher number. Thus, the very title of Lowenthal’s dissertation emphasized the desire for children among the rural Haitians he was studying. In supporting this notion of the importance of children among his farmer informants, Lowenthal reported that “children’s multifaceted labor contributions to the household, from a relatively early age through early adulthood, cannot be gainsaid” (1987: 303; the italics belong to Lowenthal). Yet, similar to Murray, Lowenthal did not believe these contributions could be used as a rationale for high fertility, saying that “despite the absence of hard data on the topic, peasants . . . definitely see children as a financial burden, not an economic asset” (1987: 394). Lowenthal (1987: 305) concluded that “progeneration” among the people at his research site was the means by which people fulfilled “the desire to live with reason, and to die with dignity.”

Even more recently, anthropologist Gisele Maynard-Tucker (1996) reported on a three-part sample of 2,383 impoverished rural and urban Haitian women. Maynard-Tucker’s objective was to address the problem that despite massive contraceptive giveaway programs financed by USAID (United States Agency for International Development), programs that date back to the 1970s, Haiti continued—and continues—to have the lowest rate of contraceptive use in the Western hemisphere. Her principal finding was that both rural- and slum-dwelling Haitian women were not using contraceptives simply because they did not want to use them. They wanted more children: When asked “why they did not want to use contraceptives?” the most common reason given, after “pregnant” or “breastfeeding,” was precisely “wanting additional children” (1996: 1385). Not only were informants telling Maynard-Tucker they wanted children, but Maynard-Tucker herself noted the economic utility of children, saying that, “in the countryside children fetch water and carry water and help with the cooking, cleaning, child care, gardening, and animal care” (1996: 1381). In the slums “children are taught at an early age to sell and trade goods in the streets or to do menial work, carry water, goods, watch property” (1996: 1381). So important was child labor that, according to Maynard-Tucker (1996), only one-third of both slum and rural children were sent to school (she explicitly explains this as a consequence of the economic activities of children, 1996). Yet, in spite of this clear recognition of the economic utility of children, Maynard-Tucker downplayed the utility of children, forming conclusions such as that the popular Haitian saying, ti moun se riches (“children are wealth”) is not derived from the current utility of children, but “probably based on colonial times when children were needed to work the fields for their parents who had to produce for the ‘colonial masters’” (1996: 1381).

In fact, during colonial times the master often controlled and directed child labor activities; and slave women bore an average of less than one child per woman. The point is that Maynard-Tucker, like other anthropologists, forsook pursuing the obvious notion that high birth rates may actually be an adaptation to the “living standards” that are “the lowest in the Western hemisphere; most living quarters have no piped water, electricity or sanitation facilities . . . . Job opportunities are scarce and every day brings a new search for food and survival” (Maynard-Tucker 1996: 1379). And similar to Murray and Lowenthal before her, Maynard-Tucker (1387) reached for immaterial and non-demonstrable explanations, indeed non-explanatory explanations, saying that “the lessons learned in Haiti are that strong tenets about the importance of children are rooted in the culture.” In other words, there were no lessons at all to be learned, Haitians are having many children simply because they are Haitian.

Another excellent ethnography, and the latest to deal with pronatalism in Haiti, is that of Jennie Smith (1998: 7) who spent three years living in a rural mountain hamlet in northern Haiti. She too noted the importance of child labor with regard to the rejection of contraceptive use, explaining that for the rural Haitian household, “the tasks to be done are never-ending” and “without several children it seems impossible for a family to function well.” She (1998:11) built on her observation of the economic utility of Haitian children, saying that the primary reason why intervention practitioners have been so unsuccessful in their efforts to promote family planning in Haiti is because, “they are simply proposing the preposterous!” (punctuation belongs to Smith). But Smith then went on to disregard her own insights when she subsequently attributed low contraceptive use, not to her observation that parents need children to accomplish the “never ending” labor tasks of daily life in rural Haiti, but to shortcomings in the local health care system. To her credit, Smith concluded with a self-reflective comment that very neatly sums up the essence of scholarly conclusions regarding the causes of high fertility in the non-industrialized Caribbean:

Most scholars asking questions about why family planning initiatives have not been accepted by the people of Haiti seems to reflect crucial (though often tacit) preconceptions. Not only do these scholars tend to assume that if people were more educated about the issue and more aware of their options, and if these options were more accessible to them, then they would choose to accept family planning. They also tend to imply that this compliance would be good for them. (Looking back over the pages above, I find that I myself, however unwittingly, also seem to hold that underlying assumption.) (all punctuation in the original: Smith 1998: 24) 3

Thus, similar to both the cross-cultural and the Caribbean literature regarding fertility decline and the economic utility of children, an interesting if not academically astonishing facet of the Haitian ethnographic record is the contradictions that we, as social scientists, have made ourselves.

Conclusion

Reflecting trends in Western demographic theory at the global level, researchers in the Caribbean have left a record of stark denial. We have often ignored the determinant role of material conditions as our informants reported them to us, and specifically, in this case, the value of child labor. But by reinserting the importance of child labor, we can resolve some of the most perplexing issues that have confounded anthropological research, specifically persistent high fertility in Haiti and the determinants of what many have considered the Caribbean’s unique courtship, family, and kinship patterns.

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Notes

1. Handwerker (1986) provides the most successful model available for fertility decline. His model explains over 95 percent of the variance in a very large sample of country d/ata, demonstrating that fertility decline is a consequence of increasing economic opportunities. However, explaining why fertility declined does not resolve the issue of why it was high in the first place and, like many contemporary scholars, Handwerker prefers not to emphasize the labor value of children when they are young.
2. The full quote from Herskovits is as follows:

The love of children, and the prestige which a man gains as head of a large family are factors that go far to explain the desire for numerous progeny. In this not only is he aided by his own sophistication in matters of sex…but his desire is furthered as well by the absence of contraceptives, and the emphasis laid by Church, State, and African traditions on the desirability of many offspring. (Herskovits 1937: 89)

3. Also important but for editorial reasons omitted is Glen Smucker’s (1983) excellent ethnography on peasants/farmers in the north of Haiti. Smucker does not attempt to evaluate the importance of child labor as a cause of pronatalism and thus the insight he provides does not fit into the literature review in the main text. Smucker’s work is, however, among the most thorough and instructive resources written on rural life in Haiti and he does make frequent mention of the economic utility of children, as for example:

After children learn to walk, they are expected to help with domestic tasks, carrying water, gathering wood and running errands. When they are old enough, boys go to the fields with their father, and girls take greater responsibility for household domestic tasks and marketing. As they approach adolescence, boys are assigned their own gardens and livestock. (1983: 232–33).

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