Historical Particularism and Civil Rights

Caribbean family patterns made their first entrance into the mainstream social science literature when Melville Herskovits—a student of Franz Boas—competed with Franklin Frazier, a sociologist, for what Freilich (1967: 239) called “The Explanation.” Echoing sentiments of “separate but equal,” Herskovits explained Caribbean family and kinship as reformulated cultural survivals from Africa. Upon visiting Harlem he was impressed by a “teeming center of negro life,” complete with “hospitals and the social service agencies . . . lawyers, and doctors and editors and writers . . . capitalists, teachers, and nurses and students,” what he called “the same pattern” as white society “only a different shade” (Herskovits 1925: 368; Gambrell 1997:104). As historian David Levering Lewis (1981: 116) quipped, Herskovits’ arguments, popular with both white separatists and the wealthy blacks who dominated the NAACP, earned the white Jewish scholar the title “honorary New Negro”—a pun on Herskovits’ essay “The New Negro.”

Herskovits’ nemesis, Franklin Frazier, was an African-American professor of sociology at Howard University and member of the civil rights intelligentsia that came to be known as the Howard Circle. Frazier insisted on the primacy of the slave experience and subsequent discrimination, poverty, and exploitation as determinants of Afroamerican/Caribbean family patterns. He and those close to him viewed Herskovits’ arguments as an extension of that discrimination, charging that the ideas he promoted lent credence to white racist arguments, and that wealthy blacks accepted “unconditionally, the values of the white bourgeois world” because “they do not truly identify themselves with Negroes”—one implication being that they benefited from their positions as an intermediate elite negotiating the economic and political divide between whites and blacks (Frazier 1957). Addressing Herskovits in a speech in Harlem, Frazier summed the political implications of the Herskovits position:

If whites believe that the Negro’s social behaviour was rooted in African culture, they would lose whatever sense of guilt they had for keeping the Negro down. Negro crime, for example, could be explained away as an “Africanism” rather than due to inadequate police and court protection.  (Tauheed 2003)                                                                              

With the successes of the civil rights movement, the Herskovits-Frazier debate transformed. Afroamericans interested in motivating black ethnicity to politically consolidate power—and who may earlier have stood on the other side of the issue, that of equal rights and universal suffrage—soon embraced Herskovits’ ideas. The 1960s was, as Cole (1985: 123) has described it, “the era of African dress, African hairstyles and adoption of African names”; and “The renewed interest in Africanisms . . . was clearly associated with the political climate of the Black Power Movement and the rise of black studies in academic circles” (Cole 1985: 121). The Africanism perspective of Caribbean family patterns continues among those scholars interested in identity (Sutton and Makiesky-Barrow 1975: 297; Crahan et al. 1980; Cole 1985; Barrow 1986; Yelvington 2001). But for most anthropologists, they are no longer of major interest.[note 2]

Structural Functionalism and Colonial Government Morality Campaigns

Concurrent with and following the Herskovits/Frazier debate—or, perhaps more accurately, the separation versus integration debate—was structural functionalism: a focus on the adaptive interrelations between social institutions. Once again, scholars were embedded in greater econopolitical processes, this one closely linked to colonial efforts to revitalize overseas protectorates through an “organized campaign against the social, moral and economic evils of promiscuity,” an endeavor that included massive marriage campaigns (M. G. Smith 1957: iv). Among the leading structural-functionalists in the Caribbean were Edith Clarke—anthropologist, politician, and Jamaican aristocrat—and M. G. Smith—another Jamaican-born, English-educated aristocrat-anthropologist. Both Smith’s and Clarke’s viewpoints harked back to the earlier colonial regime attempts to capture “peasant” labor and illustrate the degree to which the endeavor was slanted toward modifying behavior to the advantages of state funding agencies. Specifically, the objective was to convert impoverished denizens of the Caribbean into productive taxpayers. In writing the introduction to Clarke’s 1957 book, My Mother Who Fathered Me, M. G. Smith left no room for doubt:

The material difficulties of West Indian economic and social development are compounded by instabilities and fluidities in the family organization on which the society depends both for the effective socialization of its young and for the adequate motivation of its adult members to participate vigorously in the social and economic life. These familial conditions affect labour productivity, absenteeism, occupational aspirations, training and performances, attitudes to saving, birth control, and farm development, and to programmes of individual and community self-help, housing and child care, education, and the like. (1957: vi-vii)

In the end, structural functionalists fulfilled the prophecies of the funding agencies so effectively—finding that the behavior of lower-income Caribbean people was indeed “dysfunctional,” “uncivilized,” and “disorganized”—that they were arguably a principal force in the destruction of the paradigm. Structural-functionalism could not survive the onslaught of “structural-less” and “functional-less” findings. As for the drive to modify the morality of impoverished denizens of the Caribbean, independence squashed it. Independence for Jamaica came in 1962; for Trinidad and Tobago, internal self-rule came in 1962 and full independence in 1976; for the Bahamas, internal self-rule came in 1964 and full independence in 1973; and most of the lesser Antilles’ independence came in the 1960s to 1980s. With the end of the colonial regimes, came an end to the funding of social science research targeted to turn the impoverished people of the colonies into happy, ambitious, and legally married tax payers.

Post Functional-Structuralist Era

Beginning earlier on, with the structural-functionalists, and extending into the early 1970s, came a short period of scientific enlightenment when scholars began to test hypotheses and apply statistical methodology to resolve the causal puzzle of Caribbean kinship and family patterns. “Survivalisms” and a reification of cultural institutions typical of the structural-functionalists still lingered in the form of typologies, an attempt to break the culture of the Caribbean into specific patterns of behavior: Wolf typed peasants (1955); Solien (1961) typed migration; Richard Price (1966) wanted to type Caribbean fisher folk; Frucht (1971) made denizens of the Caribbean a unique social type altogether; almost everyone typed marriage patterns. But the arguments were nevertheless much improved over the preceding “survivalisms” and “diffusionist” interpretations.

With the work of scholars such as R. T. Smith (1953), Mintz (1955), Cohen (1956), Wolf and Mintz (1957), Clarke (1966), Blake (1961), Wilson (1961), Solien de Gonzalez (1961), and Kunstadter (1963), the foundation was laid for a statistically and qualitatively supported understanding of connections between male migration, households, and conjugal union. The causes of Caribbean family patterns began to unravel and, had they pursued the issue, anthropologists working in the region may well have overcome the ball and chain of typology (e.g., Otterbein 1966; Marino 1970). But they did not.

Instead of explaining Caribbean family patterns, independence movements throughout the Caribbean and changes in colonial policies meant less funding. Most scholars subsequently turned away from the region. Otterbein, for example, began to focus on warfare (1970, 1994, 2004) and capital punishment (1986); Kunstadter (1967, 1983, 1993, 2002, 2004) moved on to Asia, never to write anything significant about the Caribbean again. Anthony Marino completely fell off the radar screen. Of the most celebrated Caribbeanists, Sidney Mintz (1971, 1974, 1985) went on to focus on history, and Nancy Solien de Gonzalez (1969, 1970, 1979, 1984) and R. T. Smith (1988, 1996) went on to rehash the same information and the same arguments for half a century. And so scholars working in the Caribbean and interested primarily in explanations for the sake of science largely disappeared from the scene. Others less interested in explaining would take up the issue.

Feminists

“Feminists went to the Caribbean to correct ideological distortions by documenting and assessing women’s economic, social and political roles” (Safa 1986: 1). They were funded by organizations such as USAID’s Women in Development Technical Assistance Project (WIDTECH), a program deliberately targeted to empower women in the workplace and help them break with traditional gender roles, a worthy social goal in that many Caribbean economies were experiencing industrialization and almost all were being transformed by juggernaut growth in the tourist sector. But it was not conducive to academic understanding.

In analyzing and collecting data, feminists gave ample consideration to material conditions. Massiah (1983) showed that Caribbean women who head households were economically disadvantaged. Blumberg (1993) and Dehavenon (1993) both provided materialist models aimed at accounting for conditions that give way to female-headed households. Abraham (1993) showed how illegitimacy and marriage rates in Carriacou correlated with female access to wage employment. Another admirable feminist argument in regard to explaining female-headed/supported households was that women assume responsibility by default: when men were undependable providers, either because of marginal income opportunities, migration, or culturally ingrained apathy, women were forced to assume the role of household head and provider (Senior 1991: 36–37, 170–71; Massiah 1983: 10–12). A number of feminists, like Barrow (1986: 170), also documented Caribbean women as employing “strategies” to “manipulate a man thereby gaining materially and enhancing their economic autonomy” (see also Senior 1991).

But, while interesting and while they made notable contributions, feminist research was embedded in the movement to empower women. In pursuit of this endeavor it was eclectic, yielded no comprehensive explanation for family patterns, distorted the role of women in the other direction, largely ignoring studies carried out by men and women who preceded them, and often ignoring the existence of men altogether (see Greene and Biddlecom 2000 for a recent critique).

An example is the book titled Where Did All the Men Go: Female-Headed/Female-Supported Households in Cross-Cultural Perspective (1993), edited by Mencher and Okongwu, among the most notable feminist anthologies of causal investigations into Caribbean family patterns. Somewhat ironically, none of the authors investigated “where all the men went,” what they were doing, if or how much money they sent back, or if female-headed households really meant “female-supported.”

But worse regarding feminist contributions to causal understanding is that ignoring men gave way to one of the most obscurant myths that came to muddle a causal understanding of familial dynamics: that Caribbean women were financially and emotionally independent of men. Helen Safa (1986) a leading feminist scholar, typified the feminists in the Caribbean position when she declared in the introductory chapter for a major feminist anthology on the West Indies, “Caribbean low-income women have been fending for themselves and their families for a long time, and have learned not to depend on men for financial or even emotional support” (13–14). This poignant and often quoted misstatement was not only giving short shrift to the majority of impoverished Caribbean men—who in the endeavor to meet the demands women attached to sexuality and paternity found themselves far from home toiling in sugar cane fields, mines, and construction sites—it was not supported by research findings, not even, as seen an earlier chapter, by feminist research findings.

For many students and scholars the notion that Caribbean women were neither emotionally nor financially dependent on men became erroneously enshrined in the concept of matrifocality. R. T. Smith (1956; 1988: 8) first used the term to describe familial development sequences marked by unstable sexual unions, female-headed households, matrilocality, and strong mother-child bonds. Other scholars adopted the term and “matrifocality” became a widely used anthropological descriptive for the Caribbean family. But when Gonzalez (1970) tried to figure out what other scholars meant by “matrifocal” she found little agreement. Researchers used “matrifocal” to describe situations where women were “somehow” more important than the observer had expected: that women had influence in spending family income; as a reference to situations where women were the primary source of income; to designate female-headed households; to delineate female-dominated decision making in the domestic sphere; and at times matrifocality became confused with the consanguineal female-headed households (1970: 231–32, 236; see also Mohammed 1986: 171–72). Eventually, Gonzalez (1984: 8) herself decided that she was “no longer so sure” of her original distinction between consanguineal and matrifocal families “in either an etic or an emic sense.” Even R. T. Smith (1988: 7)—who originally coined the term—came to describe “matrifocality” as “surrounded by a dense fog of misunderstanding,” only to then admit to “some shifts in the meaning I now attach to it.” Blackwood (2005) summed up the enduring confusion surrounding the concept when she wrote that during the 1980s the term “matrifocal” was “allowed to slink offstage without certain issues being resolved” only to return later in the form of “female-headed household” [note 3].

In short, feminist studies of the 1980s and 1990s were embedded in a campaign to empower women—to their credit they often admitted it—but they did little to advance the understanding of the causes underlying family patterns and kinship in the Caribbean. Indeed, authors such as Blackwood (2005) have criticized early feminists themselves for having overemphasized “matrifocality,” thereby perpetuating patriarchic myths.

Contraceptive Campaigns

Many researchers who worked in the Caribbean Basin, especially since the early 1970s, were caught up in antinatal and contraceptive campaigns. Blake (1961), Stycos and Back (1964), Murray (1972, 1976, 1977), Ebanks et al. (1973, 1974, 1975), Handwerker (1983, 1986, 1989, 1993), Jennie Smith (1998), McElroy and Albuquerque (1990), Senior (1991), and Maynard-Tucker (1996) all went to the Caribbean under the tutelage or in association with internationally sponsored fertility reduction programs. The slant inherent in their research objectives are reflected in their conclusions: high birth rates are consistently portrayed as illogical and nonadaptive, the cause of economic hardship and burdensome to women.

Similar to the preceding is Gerald Murray’s (1977) otherwise excellent analysis of the reasons that Haitian farmers give for having large numbers of children was marred by an inexplicable division of the category “useful.” Murray split into two separate categories those farmers who gave “useful” as an explanation for wanting children but did not explain what they meant from those who said “useful” and then specified “as workers.” By dividing the response “useful,” Murray was able to present farmers as favoring children for noneconomic ends; had he done otherwise, had he accepted the implication that “useful” meant to work, the small farmers in Murray’s community would have overwhelmingly come out in favor of having children for economic reasons. Similarly, Maynard-Tucker (1996: 1381) inexplicably twisted her observations that Haitian children were economically useful into them being a burden and then blamed high fertility on causes such as values left over from slavery. Handwerker (1989,1993) focused on female repression in the domestic sphere and employment in the formal sector of Antigua and Barbados, a focus that echoed his earlier highly regarded cross-country test (1986) demonstrating that female involvement in the work force was the principal determinant of fertility decline throughout the world; a valid and well supported observation but one that ignored why fertility was high in the first place or, more specifically, ignored Caribbean women’s traditional careers as managers of productive households, their roles as market women, and the importance of child labor in making them successful in these endeavors. Senior (1991: 67–69) blamed high fertility on causes such as “the need to feel like a woman” and “the biblical injunction to be fruitful and multiply.” And Jennie Smith (1998: 11), began her discussion by saying that, with regard to poor Haitian farmers, proponents of contraceptive use “are simply proposing the preposterous!” But later, in an almost humorous parenthetical and self-reflective moment, she candidly wondered why she fell into the same trap: her exact parenthetical quote was, “Looking back over the pages above, I find that I myself, however unwittingly, also seem to hold that underlying assumption” (Smith 1998: 24) [note 4].

Beyond showing the otherwise inexplicable manipulation of categories (Murray), denial of their own observations (Maynard-Tucker, Smith, Senior), and the over-focus on the formal economy (Handwerker), it is perhaps impossible to unequivocally demonstrate the link between funding agendas and the thought processes of the researchers. But it could be argued that in their conclusions researchers eschewed the obvious importance of child labor contributions because it was a conclusion that meant funding agencies and the researcher-scholar who hoped to get another consultancy job could do nothing to change the situation. If impoverished people were having many children because children were important in the struggle to survive then what needed to be changed was the entire economic system, not a practical or feasible recommendation. If, on the other hand, it was only a matter of tradition, values, lack of knowledge, unavailability of contraceptives, and ineffective healthcare systems, something could be done about it. Seminars, education, and improved clinics could solve the problem. There is also the issue of the researchers’ own values. Anthropologists themselves may have eschewed presenting Caribbean parents as wanting children primarily for work because it was an egregious violation of our own middle and upper class Western values, a point that brings me to the international campaign against child labor.

Child Labor Campaign

The emergence of powerful pro-child institutions such as the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), the International Labor Organization (ILO), Slavery International, and Save the Children coincides with an obsession with children. We come close to worshipping them. In Lancy’s words, the transition went from preparing children to be “future farmers or factory workers—adding their critical bit to the household economy—to economically worthless but emotionally priceless cherubs”; “attitudes that have become enshrined in academic discourse as well” (2007: 278). These values were exported to the developing world through institutions such as UNICEF and Child Defense Fund. Perhaps more than in any other country, the campaign became vigorously executed and wildly exaggerated in Haiti.

The issue began to heat up with the 1984 and 1990 Conferences on Child Domesticity held in Port-au-Prince, Haiti. Participants at the conferences equated child domestic service with “slavery” and, in their zeal to please funding institutions and win support, presented it as epidemic. Lumping together every Haitian child between the ages of five and seventeen and not living with their parents in the category of child domestic servant, the experts came up with estimates of from 100,000 to 250,000, translating to 10 percent to 25 percent of all Haitian children in this age category (UNICEF 1993; Dorélien 1982; 1990; Clesca 1984).

The cry of slavery came to a head in 1998 with an autobiography titled From Haitian Slave Child to Middle-Class American, in which Jean-Robert Cadet (1998) recounted his life as a restavek, the creole word for child domestic servant. Subsequently appearing on National Public Radio and the Oprah Winfrey Show, Cadet precipitated a media hysteria. Prestigious journalists echoed the alarm with titles like “Haiti’s Dark Secret” (NPR 2004) and “The Plight of Haiti’s Child Slaves” (Telegraph, 2007). Frequently citing a 1996 UNICEF study, journalists upped the number of Haitian child servants to three hundred thousand, breaking the earlier records for inflated numbers and translating to about 30 percent of all Haitian children in the target age category. National Public Radio (2004) described the “slave children” as “trafficked,” bringing to mind organized recruiters trucking rural children into the city to be sold. There were even descriptions of thousands of Haitian children annually “trafficked” across the border to the Dominican Republic (U.S. Department of Commerce. 2006; Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor 2007; U.S. Department of State 2006).

In an attempt to put the issue into perspective and determine just how widespread the restavek problem was, an independent organization called Fafo (2002)—funded by UNICEF, ILO, and Save the Children—sent interviewers to visit a sample of 7,812 households throughout both rural and urban areas of Haiti. Defining restavek according to the criteria of parent-child separation, high work load, and lack of or low level of schooling, they estimated the number of Haitian restavek between the ages of five and seventeen years at 173,000 (8.2 percent of the population in this age group at the time of the research); and if the age of fifteen years and under is used, the number was 134,000 (7.7 percent of the population between five and fifteen years of age). They also presented a less dramatic picture of what was going on. The authors pointed out that one problem with the image of the slave-restavek was that most of the 60 percent of the Haitian population that live in rural areas and towns have access only to primary schools that end at 6th grade or earlier and most village schools only go up to the 8th grade. Thus, families use connections in towns and cities to board their children and help them get educated so they can escape the spiraling rural overpopulation and land scarcity seen in earlier chapters (a point punctuated by Jean Rabel farmer responses seen in chapter 13). Many parents pay for their children to live with others so they can attend school. But for those who cannot afford to pay, the children do domestic work in exchange for room and board. So what earlier researchers had been doing was lumping informal boarding-school arrangements in with child slavery. Moreover, many of the child domestics were not the abused “slaves” recounted in the press. Fafo researchers found that parents tended to beat their own children more than the restavek; that the restavek had equal or greater sleeping time; and that as or more often than non-restavek children the restavek had his or her own bed, mattress, or mat. Another important finding was that contrary to the typical image of the vast majority of restavek being girls, 41 percent were boys; and contrary to the portrayal of them as missing out on education, at least 60 percent of all restavek were enrolled in school (Fafo 2002: 56–58).

But the Fafo findings did little to quell accusations of rampant child slavery or the misinformation that human rights advocates and agencies consistently latched on to. In its 2007 report, the U.S. Department of Labor ignored the Fafo data and cited instead an old and unsubstantiated UNICEF study (1997) to claim 250,000 to 300,000 restavek in Haiti, saying that 80 percent were girls under fourteen years of age, an absurd figure that places in the status of child servant one fourth of all Haitian girls in that age category. They also disregarded other Fafo findings, saying that “most” restavek worked from ten to fourteen hours per day and that “most” were not enrolled in school.

I am not saying that child abuse in Haiti is nonexistent or that the institution of restavek is not exploitative. What I am saying is that something peculiar is going on with respect to the presentation and interpretation of the data and that it is a manifestation of a deeply disturbing bias. Even Cadet—who eventually found himself testifying before the United Nations Commission on Human Rights (June 2000)5— was arguably not a restavek. He tells of his wealthy white father leaving him with a childless mistress who, a twisted, hateful, and perhaps jealous woman, abused him, leaving deep emotional scars. While sad, that could have happened anywhere. It could and does happen in developed countries. Moreover, unlike the classic media image of Haitian child slaves, Cadet’s father was paying for his board, made sure he got educated, and then sent him to university in the United States, where he became a teacher and, after the child slavery issue became a hot topic, wrote a best-seller, became famous, and lent his name to a charitable foundation to aid restavek. When reading the Amazon reviews for Cadet’s book I came across this commentary,

As a child growing up in Haiti…I knew Mr. Cadet, I played with him, I saw him everyday for at least four years, and only thought of his adoptive mother as a strict disciplinarian. A lot of what my young eyes saw did not prepare me for what I read in this book. As they say in HAITI, nothing is what they seem.         January 20, 2000; Amazon.com, By “A Customer”

Charities, such as that Cadet represented, pursued the issue with gusto, further inflating figures and creating an image of Haiti as the largest slave state since Cuban emancipation–an ironic accolade for the country that evolved out of the only successful slave revolt in history. In the scramble to solicit donations, Internet sites for organizations like Haitian Street Kids Inc. (HSKI 2007), further inflated the numbers and lumped homeless street urchins with the restavek in even more absurd and self-contradictory claims such as “There are currently over 400,000 child slaves as young as 4 years old throughout Haiti,” telling the reader that they “often times are beaten to death,” and that if one were to go to Haiti—which few readers ever will—they can identify the restavek by “their torn rags and tattered clothes hanging from their strained and feeble limbs, often times begging for food and money” (HSKI 2007).

The main point that I am trying to make is that the reaction to child labor and the sensationalism of the presentations reflect the extremity of the mainstream Western view of children in which having children for the purpose of exploiting their labor is criminal. The fact is that, as we already know, Haitian children living with their parents also work, something that likely occurs among impoverished farmers throughout the world and certainly occurred widely in the 17th to early 20th century United States. In David Lancy’s (2007: 280) ethnology of child-adult play he noted that pushing Western values of child-adult play on other societies and impoverished peoples is “tantamount to a condemnation of the child-rearing beliefs and behaviors of three fourths of the world’s parents.” Indeed, by definition of the 1956 UN Supplementary Convention on the Abolition of Slavery, the Slave Trade, and Institutions and Practices Similar to Slavery, the Haitian parents seen in earlier chapters are in violation of Convention 138 under the Child Labor Code (Fafo 2002: 33). Thus, the interesting point is not that rural Haitians are hard on their children or that they do not love their children. The interesting point is that mainstream Western conventions regarding children are so out of synchrony with the reality of poverty that it made the childrearing practices and goals of many impoverished peoples of the world illegal.

This ‘discrimination’ has an impact on the social scientist. Members of the Western educated elite but with a strong tendency toward advocacy on the part of those they study, anthropologists are subject to a definitive reluctance to bring attention to cultural values that Westerners regard as disparaging if not criminal. The Western anthropologist who reveals “his people” as thinking of their offspring first and foremost not in terms of love and companionship, but in terms of labor and material necessity has, by Western standards, done a disservice to his former hosts. He has portrayed them in the annals of the ethnographic literature as criminal, calloused and selfish.

In regard to child labor, the degree to which this bias and the pro-Western values that drive it have penetrated the anthropological literature is evidenced by the five articles of the June 2007 special edition of American Anthropologist focusing on children and reviewing the 20th century anthropological literature on child studies. There is only one, just one, passing mention of ethnographies of children at work. That reference was Lancy himself (2007: 277), who tersely summed up ethnographic references to child work, saying that “the primary reason adults [in the developing communities studied] are likely to take a jaundiced view of children at play is because they would rather see them working” (Lancy cited Bock and Johnson 2004; Munroe et al. 1984; and more specifically, for the Maya, Modiano 1973: 55; for the Yoruba, Oloko 1994:211; and for the Hadza, Blurton-Jones 1993: 317).

Other Value Campaigns and Agendas

The reflexivity and critical scrutiny I am trying to bring out with this review is not new to most anthropologists but is nevertheless seldom incorporated in our literature reviews: the conclusions made by scholars working in the Caribbean are readily linked to our own values, political policies, humanitarian decisions, and the funding sources that send scholars to the field. Moreover, this bias is consistently present. More recent investigations bolster the point. The most cited recent article on Caribbean family structure is Evelyn Blackwood (2005), who indicted both traditional anthropologists and feminists for reinforcing male bias with its hidden presumption that the prominence of women was somehow unusual. She is correct, at least in her basic point, but her own research and her demands for specific new directions in researching alternative forms of marriage and same-sex relationships are embedded in queer anthropology. Not that I object to her motivations; only to emphasize that as with almost every major work on the Caribbean family, the study is part of a value campaign. She made her indictments as an active member of the Society of Lesbian and Gay Anthropologists (SOLGA) and with the objective of promoting the recognition of same-sex marriage, even calling for—and obtaining—an official statement from the American Anthropological Association that marriage between a man and woman was not cross-culturally universal, the implication being that same sex marriage was not an unnatural state of human matrimony and calling for boycotts of presses that published books contradicting that position (see SOLGA website, www.solga.org).

There is also Quinlan (2006: 476), another of the most prominent contemporary Caribbeanists. He recently turned the earlier feminists on their head when he described Caribbean men as “victims of their social environment,” but he did so as an agent of the growing and well-funded campaign against addiction and substance abuse.

It is this type of embedded-ness that led to a decided failure to develop a cohesive explanatory model for why Caribbean family patterns were different from mainstream Western ideals. Civil rights struggles underwritten by political parties, social welfare campaigns underwritten by colonial governments, research on the role of women underwritten by feminists organizations, contraceptive and female health campaigns underwritten by international organizations bent on reducing high birth rates, gay rights activists, AIDs awareness campaigners, and substance abuse programs came to have a decisive influence on the scholarly representation and explanations for Caribbean familial patterns. Most anthropologists were distinctly enmeshed in their own biases and the biases of the institutions that funded them. Those who were not—such as Otterbein and Kunstadter—lacked the resources, audience, or incentives to continue their studies.

I want to make it clear that I am not saying that the research cited above is bad research. Each of the researchers had specific objectives, most of the objectives meritorious, and most of the research of such a high quality that it can be used to detect other patterns or to disqualify certain conclusions made by the authors. But what I am saying is that the research objectives of the authors and the institutions that funded them undermined balanced interpretations. Moreover, before concluding, I want to show how the campaigns to change behavior, those in which anthropological research was embedded, also undermined the information given by informants in the field.

The Impact of Value Campaigns on Informants

Another aspect of the state-sponsored campaigns described above is that they create a proactive bias among church officials and agents of international institutions that, funded by the State and foreign and domestic NGOS, define their success by the degree to which they can convince constituents, clients, and students to adopt those values, if not in deed then at least in word. By dint of their control over the distribution of grades, jobs, food aid, used clothing, agricultural extension services, and life-saving medications, these practitioners in the field promote specific values. Police officers, aid workers, administrators, seminar specialists, health care workers, preachers, schoolteachers, justices of the peace, lawyers, professors, and, not to be left out, anthropologists themselves teach—if not force—their impoverished subjects, aid recipients, clients, patients, and dependents to espouse specific Western elite values, values that the impoverished people upon whom they are being thrust often do not in practice share.

An example of the insidious impact this promotion of values has on data can be garnered from the surveys I conducted in Jean Rabel. The NHADS survey upon which many of the conclusions in this study were based was largely targeted to give feedback regarding contraceptive and health campaigns being carried out by the NGOs that funded the survey. Assistants who helped train interviewers were Western-educated doctors, nutritionists, and agronomists. Moreover, many of the interviewers had been participants in past health and agricultural programs and they had already been sensitized to the values associated with these programs. This came out clearly in their active promotion of those values, specifically the priority placed on fewer children. While training them to conduct the interviews about fertility and how many children farmers wanted, we recorded the following exchange between a twenty-four-year-old high school-educated male interviewer and a thirty-five-year-old Jean Rabel farmer who is the father of six children:

Interviewer: What quantity of children is best to have?

Farmer: Okay. Quantity of children that is best? Ah, there, eh. . . . There are no children better than other children.

Interviewer:No. What quantity. As in number. I could say three, four children, five, six children. What quantity do you see as best?

Farmer: The biggest child. That’s the one for me.

Interviewer: It is not the biggest or the smallest! Quantity! That means if you have a quantity of children, four children, five children. Which is best?

Farmer:It is best you have two, three, or six. If God gives them to you, it is best you take them.

Interviewer: Okay. Why do you say three children?

As exemplified in the exchange, our informants, similar to small farmers throughout Haiti, were stubbornly resistant to saying how many children they wanted—perhaps because they too knew that they were not supposed to want many. In contrast, the interviewers, high school-educated and seasoned participants in NGO seminars, tended to make the decision for them, consistently in the direction they thought proper (fewer children). Exchanges such as this, highly typical, destroyed any hope of directly measuring the number of children farmers really wanted; we could retrain the interviewer—at least we thought we could—but we could not make the farmers less elusive.

To get around the problem we introduced this question: “A husband and wife with three children versus one with six children, which is economically better off?” The problem, initially at least, did not end there. The following interview involved a twenty-six-year-old female university-educated interviewer questioning a thirty-four-year-old rural mother of five:

Interviewer: Who is better off, a couple with three children or the couple with six

children?

Mother: All children are good.

Interviewer: No. I am asking you, respond three or respond six.

Mother: Eh, if, eh. Okay. Normally, concerning children, if God gives you three children, he doesn’t give you any more, you just have to live with what God gave you.

Interviewer: Yes. You have to live with what he gave you. But it is a question that I am asking you.

Mother:I am following you Madanmwazel. Honestly.

Interviewer: Yes. I understand. “Honestly.” But I am asking you, concerning this question, three or six, which is better? You must decide if it is three or six.

(Silence)

Mother: Six.

Interviewer: Why?

Mother: They are there. They will help you.

Interviewer: Three can help you too. But six?

Mother: Yes, six. Six can help you more. Some will go to the garden. Some to the water. Some will do laundry.

Interviewer: (Silence)

Mother: Okay. Three.

Conclusion

The trend toward a plethora of nondemonstrable explanations that contradict hard data regarding causes of important issues such as high fertility, kinship, family, and courtship practices has largely undermined an understanding of what motivates people in impoverished or “under-globalized” areas of the world. The trend is especially evident in the Caribbean. What we see in this bias is the connection between social scientists, the agendas of organizations that fund them. Anthropologists are one manifestation of Western and elite Judeo-Christian hegemony exercised through the control of states and international organizations. Be it a campaign to reduce fertility, to promote feminist values, democracy, or corporate interests, anthropologists issue forth from the academies and scatter about the world collecting data precisely in response to funds made available by the most powerful institutions in the world, institutions such as the U.S. government, the Ford Foundation, the EU, the UN, and the World Bank. Whether this is good or bad, right or wrong, is not the issue. Studies of birth rates or substance abuse or marriage patterns or homosexuality are inextricably linked to the promotion or repression of these practices. In addition to their own values, the agendas of funding agencies and competition among scholars and NGOs for funding compel anthropologists to bias their conclusions. Funding agencies’ “value campaigns” also have an impact on our informants, an impact beyond the reach of newly arrived anthropologists but one that can determine the outcome and conclusions of our studies. Haitians and other impoverished informants have been taught what we want to hear: that beating children is wrong; that babies should be exclusively breastfed; that fewer children are better than many children; that children must be sent to school. This makes it difficult to reveal what impoverished people really believe and aspire to.

 

*****

 

Notes

1. In his 1957 study, Frazier, himself African American, accused wealthy blacks of accepting, “unconditionally, the values of the white bourgeois world” because “they do not truly identify themselves with Negroes.”
2. Herskovits came to be associated with explanations for Caribbean family patterns based solely on African survivals and Frazier became identified—somewhat unfairly—with a slavery origins argument. These theoretical positions persist in the literature today. In respect to family patterns, Barrow (1986), and Sutton and Makiesky-Barrow (1970: 297) emphasize both approaches. Abraham (1993) recently argued in favor of slavery as a primary condition for the emergence of modern Caribbean family patterns.
3. The problem with matrifocality and the misuse of the concept is also exemplified in another prominent work. Safa (1986), an excellent field researcher/anthropologist and a leading feminist scholar who was seen above saying that “Caribbean women learned not to depend on men for financial or even emotional support,” expanded on this misrepresentation, subsequently titling a book Myth of the Male Breadwinner (1995), thus bequeathing to a generation of anthropologists the enduring image of Caribbean women being historically independent of financial support from men. She drove the point home in her introductions with sweeping conclusions and claims regarding the English Caribbean tradition of “matrifocality” as if it were a self-perpetuating institution, something that had little to do with reality or even with her own findings. Her studies were not about the historic Caribbean, nor were they about the English or French Caribbean; they were carried out in the Spanish Caribbean, an area so socioeconomically distinct that Safa herself is one of the few researchers to have ever made a comparison. Moreover, her studies in the Spanish Caribbean demonstrated not that there was a historic tradition of “matrifocality”—as she claimed—but rather the contrary, that “matrifocality” was a response to increasing urbanization and industrialization. Indeed, given her evidence for nonhistorical causation, a better title for Safa’s book would have been Myth of Matrifocality (for a similar conclusion regarding matrifocality and feminism see Branche 2002: 89). As for the “mythical male breadwinner,” it was seen in chapter 17 that in the traditional Caribbean he really existed. Or at least some version of him.
4. See Catherine Maternowska (1996) for an excellent investigation of the problems of insensitive health care workers and contraceptive distribution in the Port-au-Prince slum area of Cité Soleil.
5. Sub-Commission on the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights Working Group on Contemporary Forms of Slavery, 25th Session, Geneva.

 

******

 

Works Cited

 

AAA (AgroActionAllemande). 1998. Market Analysis of Jean Rabel Unpublished report by Thomas Hartmanship. Bonn: Germany.

Abraham, Eva. 1993. Caught in the shift: The impact of industrialization on the female-headed households in Curacao, Netherlands Antilles. In Where did all the men go?, ed. J. Mencher and A. Okongwu. Boulder, CO: Westview.

Adams, Lorraine. 1994. North didn’t relay drug tips. Washington Post, Oct. 22: 1.

Allman, James. 1980. Sexual union in rural Haiti. International Journal of Sociology of the Family 10:15–39.

———. 1982a. Haitian migration: 30 years assessed. Migration Today (1):7–12.

———. 1982b. Fertility and family planning in Haiti. Studies in Family Planning 13(8/9):237–45.

Allman, James, and J. May. 1979. Fertility, mortality, migration and family planning in Haiti. Population Studies 33(3):505–21.

Alphonse, Henri. 1996. Haiti-agriculture: last battle of the coffee planters. Amsterdam: InterPress Third World News Agency (IPS).

Ashcraft, Norman. 1968. Some aspects of domestic organization in British Honduras. In The family in the Caribbean: Proceedings of the first Conference on the Family in the Caribbean, St. Thomas, Virgin Islands, March 21–23, 63–73. Rio Piedras, P.R.: Institute of Caribbean Studies, University of Puerto Rico.

Augelli, John P. 1953. Patterns and problems of land tenure in the Lesser Antilles, B.W.I. Economic Geography 29(4):362–67.

Aymer, Paula L. 1997. Coming from the Caribbean: Knowledge production and cultural transformations. In Uprooted women: Migrant domestics in the Caribbean. Westport, CT: Praeger.

Baber, Willie L. 1982. Social change and the peasant community: Horowitz’s Morne Peasant reinterpreted. Ethnology 21(3):227–41.

Balch, Emily Greene. 1927. Occupied Haiti. New York: The Writers Publishing Company.

Barickman, B. J.1994. “A bit of land, which they call roca:” Slave provision grounds in the Bahian Reconcavo, 1780–1860. The Hispanic American Historical Review 74(4):649–87.

Barrow, Christine. 1986. Finding the support: A study of strategies for survival. Social and Economic Studies 35(2):131–77.

———, ed. 1997. Caribbean portraits: Essays on gender ideologies and identities. Kingston, Jamaica: Ian Randle Publishers.

Bastien, Remy. 1961. Haitian rural family organization. Social and Economic Studies 10(4):478–510.

Bazile, Robert. 1967. Demographic statistics in Haiti. In The Haitian potential. New York: Teachers College Press.

Becker, Gary. 1960. An economic analysis of fertility. In Demographic and economic change in developed countries: A conference of the universities—National Bureau Committee for Economic Research, 209–31. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Beckett, Greg. 2004. Master of the wood: Moral authority and political imaginaries in Haiti. PoLAR: The Political and Legal Anthropology Review 27(2):1–19.

Beckford, George. 1972. Persistent poverty: Underdevelopment in plantation economies of the third world. New York: Oxford University Press.

Berggren, Gretchen, Nirmala Murthy, and Stephen J Williams. 1974. Rural Haitian women: An analysis of fertility rates. Social Biology 21:368–78.

Berleant-Schiller, Riva. 1978. The failure of agricultural development in post-emancipation Barbuda: A study of social and economic continuity in a West Indian community. In Boletin de Estudiois Latinoamericanos y del Caribe, Dec 25:21–36.

Bernstein, Dennis, and Howard Levine. 1993. The CIA’s Haitian connection. San Francisco Bay Guardian, November 3.

Bethel, Nicolette. 1993. Bahamian kinship and the power of women. Master’s thesis, Corpus Christi College.

BiblioMundo. 2006. Haiti La Diaspora. At www.bibliomonde.net/donnee/haiti-diaspora-293.html, accessed April 19.

Bilsborrow, Richard E. 1987. Population pressures and agricultural development: A conceptual framework and recent evidence. World Development 15(2):183–203.

Bilsborrow, Richard E., and C. R. Winegarden. 1985. Landholding, rural fertility and internal migration in developing countries: Econometric evidence from cross-national as data. Pakistan Development Review 24(2):125–49.

Blackwood, Evelyn. 2005. Wedding bell blues: Marriage, missing men, and matrifocal follies. American Ethnologist 32(1):3–19.

Blake, Judith. 1954. Family instability and reproductive behavior in Jamaica. Milbank Memorial Annual Conference:26–61.

———. 1961. Family structure in Jamaica; the social context of reproduction. In collaboration with J. Mayone Stycos and Kingsley Davis. New York: Free Press of Glencoe.

Blumberg, Rae Lesser. 1993. Where did all the men go? Boulder, CO: Westview.

Blurton-Jones, Nichol. 1993. The lives of hunter and gatherer children: Effects of parental behavior and parental reproductive strategy. In Juvenile primates, ed. Michael E. Pereira and Lynn A. Fairbanks, 309–26. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Bock, John, and Sara E. Johnson. 2004. Subsistence ecology and play among the Okavanga Delta people of Botswana. Human Nature 15(1):63–82.

Bongaarts John. 1978. A framework for analyzing the proximate determinants of fertility. Population and Development Review 4(1):105–32.

———. 1982. The fertility-inhibiting effects of the intermediate fertility variables. Studies In Family Planning 13(6/7):179–89.

———. 1987. The proximate determinants of exceptionally high fertility. Population and Development Review 13(1):133–39.

Bongaarts, John, and Robert C. Potter. 1983. Fertility, biology, and behavior: An analysis of the proximate determinants. New York: Academic Press.

Bongaarts, John, O. Frank, and R. Lesthaeghe. 1984. The proximate determinants of fertility in sub-Saharan Africa. Population and Development Review 10(3):511–37.

Boserup, Ester 1965. The condition of agricultural growth: The economics of agrarian change under population pressure. Chicago: Aldine.

Bouwkamp, John C. 1985. Sweet potato products: A natural resource for the tropics. Boca Raton, FL: CRC Press.

Branche, C. 2002. Ambivalence, sexuality, and violence in the construction of Caribbean masculinity: dangers for boys in Jamaica. In Children’s rights: Caribbean realities, ed. C. Barrow. Jamaica: Ian Randle.

Brereton, Bridget. 1989. Society and culture in the Caribbean. In The modern Caribbean, ed. Franklin W. Knight and Colin A. Palmer. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press.

Britannica Concise Encyclopedia. 2007. www.answers.com/topic/french-guiana

?cat=travel.

Brittain, Ann W. 1990. Migration and the demographic transition: A West Indian example. Social and Economic Studies 39(3):39–64.

———. 1991a. Anticipated child loss to migration and sustained high fertility in an East Caribbean population. Social Biology 38(1-2):94-112

———. 1991b. Can women remember how many children they have borne? Data from the east Caribbean. Social Biology 38(3-4):319–32.

Brockerhoff, Martin, and Xiushi Yang. 1994. Impact of migration on fertility in sub-Saharan Africa. Social Biology 41(1-2):19–43.

Brodber, E. 1974. Abandonment of children in Jamaica. Kingston, Jamaica: Institute of Social and Economic Research, University of West Indies.

———. 1986. African-Jamaican women at the turn of the century. Social and Economic Studies 45:23–60.

Brown, Janet. 2002. Gender and family in the Caribbean. At www.kit.nl/exchange/

html/2002-4_gender_and_family_in_th.asp.

———. 2007. Fatherhood in the Caribbean: Examples of support for men’s work in relation to family life. In Gender equality and men: Learning from practice, ed. Sandy Ruxton, 113–30. At www.oxfam.org.uk/what_we_do/resources/downloads/gem-13.pdf.

Buschkens, W. F. L. 1974. The family system of the Paramaribo Creoles. Gravenhage: M. Nijhoff.

Cadet, Jean-Robert. 1998. Restavec: From Haitian slave child to middle-class American. Austin: University of Texas Press.

Cain, Mead. 1977. The economic activities of children in a village in Bangladesh. Population and Development Review 3:201–7.

Caldwell, John C. 1976. Toward a restatement of demographic transition theory. Population and Development Review 2(3/4):321–66.

———. 1982. Theory of fertility decline. San Francisco: Academic Press.

Caldwell, John C., and Pat Caldwell. 1987. The cultural context of high fertility in sub-Saharan Africa. Population and Development Review 13(3): 409–37.

Camus, Michel-Christian. 1993. Filibuste et pouvoir royal. Revue de la Société Haitienne d’Histoire et de Geographie 49(175).

CARE. 1996. A baseline study of livelihood security in northwest Haiti. Tucson, AZ: The Bureau of Applied Research in Anthropology, University of Arizona.

———. 1997. An update of household livelihood security in Northwest Haiti monitoring targeting impact evaluation/Unit December. Port-au-Prince, Haiti: CARE International.

Castor, Suzy. 1971. La occupation norteamericana de Haiti y sus consequencias. Mexico: Siglo Veintiuno Editores.

CELADE (Centro Latinoamericano y Caribeño de Demografía). 2000. América Latina: Proyecciones de población urbano–rural population 1970–2025 [Latin America: Projection Of Urban–Rural Population 1970–2025]. Santiago, Chile: Centro Latinoamericano y Caribeño de Demografía (CELADE / CEPAL). Available at www.eclac.cl/Celade/publica/bol63/BD63.html, accessed April 30, 2006.

Census Records. n.d. Archives de France, Section D’outre-Mer, Aix-En-Provence, G1/509.

Charbit, Yves. 1984. WFS Scientific Reports no. 65. Voorburg, Netherlands: International Statistical Institute.

Chayanov, A. V. 1925. Peasant farm organization. Moscow: The Co-operative Publishing House.

Chevalier, George-Ary. 1938. Etude sur la colonisation francaise en Haiti: Origines et developpement des propriétès Collette. Revue de la Société Haitienne d’Histoire et de Geographie 9(31).

———. 1939. Etude sur la colonisation Francaise a Saint-Domingue. Revue de la Société Haitienne d’Histoire et de Geographie 10(33).

———. 1940. Un colon de Saint-Domingue pendant la révolution. Pierre Collette, Planteur de Jean Rabel. Revue de la Société Haitienne d’Histoire et de Geographie 12(36).

Chevannes, B. 2002. Fatherhood in the African-Caribbean landscape: An exploration in meaning and context. In Children’s rights: Caribbean realities, ed. C. Barrow. Jamaica: Ian Randle.

Chomsky, Noam. 2004. U.S. & Haiti. Third World Traveler Z. At www.thirdworld

traveler.com/Haiti/US_Haiti_Chomsky.html, accessed February 3, 2007.

CIA. 2007. World Fact Book. At www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook, accessed April 15, 2006.

Clarke, E. 1966 (originally published in 1957). My mother who fathered me: A study of the family in three selected communities in Jamaica, 2nd ed. London: George Allen and Unwin.

Clement, Christopher. 1997. Returning Aristide: The contradictions in US foreign policy

in Haiti. Race and Class 39(2):21–36.

Clesca, Eddy. 1984. La domesticité juvénile est-elle une conséquence du sousdeveloppement ou le produit de la mentalité d’un peuple? In Colloque sur l’enfance en domesticité. Conference Report, Institut du Bien-Etre Social et de Recherche & UNICEF.

Coale, A. 1986. The decline of fertility in Europe since the eighteenth century as a chapter in demographic history. In The decline of fertility in Europe, ed. Coale and Watkins, 1–30. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Cock, James H. 1985. Cassava: New potential for a neglected crop. Boulder, CO: Westview.

Cohen, Yehudi A. 1956. Structure and function: Family organization and socialization in a Jamaican community. American Anthropologist 58:664–87.

Cole, Johnnetta B. 1985. Africanisms in the Americas: A brief history of the concept. Anthropology and Humanism Quarterly 10(4):120–26.

Comhaire-Sylvain, Suzanne. 1958. Courtship, marriage and plasaj at Kenskoff, Haiti. Social and Economic Studies 7:210–33.

———. 1961. The household at Kenscoff, Haiti. Social and Economic Studies 10:192–222.

Comitas, Lambros. 1964. Occupational multiplicity in rural Jamaica. In Proceedings of the American Ethnological Society, ed. E. Garfield and E. Friedl, 41–50. Seattle: University of Washington Press.

Corbett, Bob. n.d. Haiti: Miscellaneous topics. At www.webster.edu/~corbetre/Haiti/

misctopic/misctopic.htm, accessed April 6, 2006.

Coreil, Jeanine. 1980. Traditional and Western responses to an anthrax epidemic in rural Haiti. Medical Anthropology 4:79–105.

Coreil, Jeanine, Deborah L. Barnes-Josiah, Antoine Agustin, and Michel Cayemittes. 1996. Arrested pregnancy syndrome in Haiti: Findings from a national survey. Medical Anthropology Quarterly, New Series, 10(3):424–36.

Courlander, Harold. 1960. The Hoe and the drum: Life and lore of the Haitian people. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Cousins, W. M. 1935. Slave family life in the British colonies: 1800–1834. The Sociological Review 27:35–55.

Crahan, Margaret E., Franklin W. Wright, and Roger N. Buckley, eds. 1980. Africa and the Caribbean: The legacies of a link. Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press.

Crane, Julia G. 1971. Educated to migrate: The social organization of Saba. Assen, Netherlands: van Gorcum.

Cross, Gary. 2004. The cute and the cool: Wondrous innocence and modern American children’s culture. New York: Oxford University Press.

Crowley, Daniel J. 1957. Song and dance in St. Lucia. Ethnomusicology 9 (January):4–14.

Cumper, George E. 1961. Household and occupation in Barbados. Social and Economic Studies 10(1):386–419.

Dalton, George. 1974. How exactly are peasants “exploited”? American Anthropologist 76(3):553–61.

D’Amico-Samuels, Deborah. 1988. Review of Coping with poverty: Adaptive strategies in a Caribbean village by Hymie Rubenstein. American Ethnologist 15(4):785–86.

Das Gupta, M. 1994. What motivates fertility decline? A case study from Punjab, India. In Understanding reproductive change: Kenya, Tamil Nadu, Punjab, Costa Rica, ed. B. Egero, M. Hammarskjold, 101–33. Lund, Sweden: Lund University Press.

Davenport, William. 1961. The family system of Jamaica. Social and Economic Studies, 4(1):420–54.

Davis, Kingsley. 1963. The theory of change and response in modern demographic history. Population Index 29:345–66.

Davis, Kingsley, and Judith Blake. 1956. Social structure and fertility: An analytical framework. Economic Development and Cultural Change 4(4):211–35.

Deere, Carmen, Peggy Antrobus, Lynn Bolles, Edwin Melendez, Peter Phillips, Marcia Rivera, and Helen Safa. 1990. In The shadows of the sun: Caribbean development alternatives and U.S. policy. Boulder, CO: Westview.

Dehavenon, A. 1993. Where did all the men go? An etic model for the cross-cultural study of the causes of matrifocality. In Where did all the men go?, ed. J. Mencher and A. Okongwu. Boulder, CO: Westview.

DeLancey, V. 1990. Socioeconomic consequences of high fertility for the family. In Population growth and reproduction in sub Saharan Africa: Technical analyses of fertility and its consequences, ed. G. T. F. Acsadi, G. J. Acsadi, and R. A. Bulatao, 115–30. Washington, DC: World Bank.

Denton, E. Hazel. 1979. Economic determinants of fertility in Jamaica. Population Studies 33(2):295–305.

Divinski, Randy, Rachel Hecksher, and Jonathan Woodbridge, eds. 1998. Haitian women: Life on the front lines. London: PBI (Peace Brigades International). At www.

peacebrigades.org/bulletin.html.

Doggett, Hugh. 1988. Sorghum. New York: John Wiley.

Dorélien, Renand. 1990 [1984]. Résumé de la communication sur « interprétation des données statistiques relatives à l’enfance en domesticité recueillies à partir des résultats d’un échantillon tiré du recensement de 1982.» Atelier de travail sur l’enfance en domesticité. Port-au-Prince, 5, 6 et 7 décembre 1990. Port-au-Prince: Institut du Bien-Etre Social et de Recherche & IHSI.

Doyle, Kate. 1994. Hollow diplomacy in Haiti. World Policy Journal 11(1):50–58.

Driver, Tom. 1996. USAID and Wages (contribution to a dialog on Bob Corbett’s Haiti list). At www.hartford-hwp.com/archives/43a/index-d.html, accessed September 3, 2008.

Duany, Jorge. 1984. Popular music in Puerto Rico: Toward an anthropology of “Salsa.” Latin American Music Review 5(2):186–216.

Durant-Gonzalez, Victoria. 1976. Role and status of rural Jamaican women: Higglering and mothering. Master’s thesis, University of California, Berkeley.

Eaton, Joseph W., and Albert J. Mayer. 1953. The social biology of very high fertility among the Hutterites: The demography of a unique population. Human Biology, 25:206–64.

Ebanks, G. Edward. 1973. Fertility, union status, and partners. International Journal of Sociology and the Family 3(1):48–60.

Ebanks, G. Edward, P. M. George, and Charles E. Nobbe. 1974. Fertility and number of partnerships in Barbados. Population Studies 28(3): 449–61.

Ebanks, G. Edward and Charles E. Nobbe. 1975. Emigration and fertility decline: The case of Barbados. Demography 12(3):431–45.

EMMUS-I. 1994/1995. Enquete Mortalite, Morbidite et Utilisation des Services (EMMUS-I). eds. Michel Cayemittes, Antonio Rival, Bernard Barrere, Gerald Lerebours, Michaele Amedee Gedeon. Haiti, Institut Haitien de L’Enfance Petionville and Calverton, MD: Macro International.

EMMUS-II. 2000. Enquête Mortalité, Morbidité et Utilisation des Services, Haiti 2000 (EMMUS-II). Cayemittes, Michel, Florence Placide, Bernard Barrère, Soumaila Mariko, Blaise Sévère. Haiti: Institut Haitien de L’Enfance Petionville and Calverton, MD: Macro International.

EMMUS-III. 2005/2006. Enquête mortalité, morbidité et utilisation des services, Haiti 2000 (EMMUS-II). Cayemittes, Michel, Haiti: Institut Haitien de L’Enfance Petionville and Calverton, MD : Macro International.

FAO (Food and Agricultural Organization of the United States). 2006. The state of food and agriculture. Prepared by a team from the Agriculture and Economic Development Analysis Division. F.L. Zegarra, team leader. At www.fao.org/docrep/

v6800e/V6800E02.htm, accessed May 2, 2006.

Fass, Simon. l988. Political economy in Haiti: The drama of survival. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction.

Feight, C. B., T. S. Johnson, B. J. Martin, K. E. Sparkes, and W. W. Wagner. 1978. Secondary amenorrhea in athletes. Lancet 2:1145–46.

Foner, Nancy, and R. Napoli. 1978. Jamaican and Black American migrant farm-workers: A comparative analysis. Social Problems 25:491–503.

Foster, George M. 1953. Cofradia and compadrazgo in Spain and Spanish America. Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 9:1–28.

———. 1969. Compadrazgo and social networks in Tzintzuntzan. Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 25:261–78.

Francis, Donette A. 2004. Silences too horrific to disturb: Writing sexual histories in Edwidge Danticat’s Breath, eyes, memory. Research in African Literatures 35(2):75–90.

Frazier, E. Franklin. 1939. The Negro family in the United States. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

———. 1957. Black bourgeoisie: The rise of a new middle class. Glencoe: The Free Press.

Freeman, Ronald. 1962. The sociology of human fertility: A trend report and bibliography. Current Sociology 11(2):35–68.

Freilich, Morris. 1967. Review of The Andros Islanders: A study of family organization in the Bahamas, by Keith Otterbein. American Anthropologist 69(2):239.

———. 1968. Sex, secrets and systems. In The family in the Caribbean: Proceedings of the first conference on the family in the Caribbean, St. Thomas, Virgin Islands, March 21–23, 47–62. Rio Piedras, P.R.: Institute of Caribbean Studies, University of Puerto Rico.

Friedlander, Dov. 1969. Demographic responses and population change. Demography 6(4):359–81.

Frisch, R. E. 1978. Population, food intake and fertility. Science 199(4324):22–30.

Frisch, R. E., and J. W. McArthur. 1974. Menstrual cycles: Fatness as a determinant of minimum weight for height necessary for their maintenance or onset. Science 185:949–51.

Frisch, R. E., R. Revelle, and S. Cook. 1971. Height, weight and age at menarche and the “critical weight” hypothesis. Science 194: 1148.

Frucht, Richard. 1968. Emigration, remittances, and social change: Aspects of the social field of Nevis, West Indies. Anthropologica 10(2):193–208.

———. 1971. Black society in the New World. New York: Random House.

Fuller, Anne. 2005. Challenging violence: Haitian women unite women’s rights and human rights special bulletin on women and war. At acas.prairienet.org. accessed October 19, 2006. Originally published in the Spring/Summer 1999 by the Association of Concerned Africa Scholars.

Fund for Peace and Foreign Policy. 2007. The failed states index. Foreign Policy. At www.foreignpolicy.com/story/cms.php?story_id=3865.

Fuson, Robert H. 1987. The log of Christopher Columbus. Trans. by Robert H Fuson. Camden, ME: International Marine.

Gambrell, Alice. 1997. Women, intellectuals, modernism, and difference: Transatlantic culture 1919–1945. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Gardner, Richard, and Aaron M. Podolefsky. 1977. Some further considerations on West Indian conjugal patterns. Ethnology 16(3): 299–308.

Gaspar, Barry. 1991. Antigua slaves and their struggle to survive. In Seeds of change, ed. H. Viola and C. Margolis, 130–37. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press.

Gearing, Margaret Jean. l988. The reproduction of labor in a migration society: Gender, kinship, and household in St. Vincent, West Indies. Dissertation, University of Florida, Gainesville.

Geggus, David Patrick. 1982. Slavery, war, and revolution: The British occupation of Saint Domingue 1793–1798. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Georges, Josiane. 2004. Trade and the disappearance of Haitian rice. Ted Case Studies Number 725. At www.american.edu/TED/Haitirice.htm, accessed April 4, 2006.

González, Nancie L. 1969 [1958]. Black Carib household structure: A study of migration and modernization. Seattle: University of Washington Press.

———. 1970. Toward a definition of matrifocality. Afro-American anthropology: Contemporary perspectives, ed. Norman E. Whitten and John F. Szwed. New York: The Free Press.

———. 1979. La estructura del grupo familiar entre los Caribes Negros Guatemala, Ministry of Education, 1st ed.

———. 1984. Rethinking the consanguineal household and matrifocality. Ethnology 23(1):1–15.

Graham S. 1985. Running and menstrual dysfunction: Recent medical discoveries provide new insight into the human division of labor by sex. American Anthropologist 87:878–992.

Green, Howard. 1979. Basin migration and dollar flows. Caribbean basin economic survey 5(2):12–15.

Green, William A. 1977. Caribbean historiography, 1600–1900: The recent tide. Journal of Interdisciplinary 7(3): 509–30.

Greene, Margaret E. and Ann E. Biddlecom. 2000. Absent and problematic men: Demographic accounts of male reproductive roles. Population and Development Review 26(1):81–115.

Greenfield, Gerald Michael. 1994. Latin American urbanization: Historical profiles of major cities. Westport, CT: Greenwood.

Greenfield, Sidney M. 1961. Socio-economic factors and family form: A Barbadian case study. Social and Economic Studies 10(1):72–85.

———. 1966. English rustics in black skin. New Haven: College University.

Griffith, David C. 1985. Women remittances and reproduction. American Ethnologist 12(4):676–90.

Grossman, Lawrence S. 1997. Soil conservation, political ecology, and technological change on St. Vincent. Geographical Review 87(3):353–74.

Guengant, Jean-Pierre. 1985. Caribbean population dynamics: emigration and fertility challenges. Conference of Caribbean parliamentarians, Heywoods, Barbados.

Hallward, Peter. 2004. Option zero In Haiti. New Left Review 27. At newleftreview.org/A2507.

Handwerker, W. Penn. 1983. The first demographic transition: An analysis of subsistence choices and reproductive consequences. American Anthropologist 85:5–27.

———. 1986. The modern demographic transition. American Anthropologist 88:400–17.

———. 1989. Women’s power and social revolution: Fertility transition in the West Indies. Newbury Park: Sage.

———. 1993. Empowerment and fertility transition on Antigua, WI: Education, employment, and the moral economy of childbearing. Human Organization 52(1):41–52.

Harner, Michael J. 1970. Population pressure and the social evolution of agriculturalists. Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 26: 67–86.

Harris, Marvin. 1968. The rise of anthropological theory. New York: Harper & Row.

———. 1979. Cultural materialism: The struggle for a science of culture. New York: Random House.

Harris, Marvin, and Eric B. Ross. 1987. Death, sex, and fertility. New York: Columbia University Press.

Harrison, Lawrence E. 1991. The cultural roots of Haitian underdevelopment. In Small country development and international labor flows, ed. Anthony P. Maingot. Boulder, CO: Westview.

Hawley, A.1950. Human ecology. New York: Ronald.

Heath, B. J. 1988. Afro-Caribbean ware: A study of ethnicity on St. Eustatius. Dissertation, University of Pennsylvania.

Henriques, Fernando. 1949. West Indian family organization. American Journal of Sociology 55(1):30–37.

Henshall, Janet D. 1966. The demographic factor in the structure of agriculture in Barbados. Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 38:183–95.

Herskovits, Melville J. 1925. The Negro’s Americanism. In The New Negro, ed. Alain Locke. New York: Albert and Charles Boni.

———. 1937. Life in a Haitian valley. New York: Alfred A. Knopf.

Hill, Donald R. 1977. The impact of migration on the metropolitan and folk society of Carriacou, Grenada 54. Part 2, Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History. New York: AMNH.

Ho, Christine G. T. 1999. Caribbean transnationalism as a gendered process. Latin American Perspectives 26(5):34–54.

Hobart, Mark, ed. 1993. An anthropological critique of ignorance: The growth of ignorance. New York: Routledge.

Horowitz, M. 1959. Morne-Paysan: Peasant village in Martinique. Dissertation, Columbia University.

———. 1967. Morne-Paysan, peasant village in Martinique. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston.

Hostetler, John A. 1974. Hutterite society. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press.

Howell, Nancy. 1979. Demography of the Dobe !Kung. New York: Academic.

HSKI (Haitian Street Kids Inc). 2007. Family circle boys home: The solution. At

quicksitemaker.com/members/immunenation/index.html.

Hugo G. 1997. Intergenerational wealth flows and the elderly in Indonesia. In The continuing demographic transition, ed. G. W. Jones, R. M. Douglas, J. C. Caldwell, R. M. D’Souza, 111–33. New York: Oxford University Press.

Ibberson, Dora. 1956. Illegitimacy and the birth rate. Social and Economic Studies 5:93–99.

Iverson, Shepherd. 1992. Evolutionary demographic transition theory: comparative causes of prehistoric, historic and modern demographic transitions. Dissertation, University of Florida, Gainesville.

Jackson, J. 1982. Stresses affecting women and their families. In Women in the Caribbean project, ed. J. Massiah, 28–61. Cave Hill, Barbados: Institute of Social and Economic Research, University of the West Indies.

Johnson, Allen W., and Timothy Earle. 1987. The evolution of human societies. California: Stanford University Press.

Joy, Elizabeth. 1997. Team management of the Female Athlete Triad. Round Table 25(3):95.

Keen, F. G. B. 1978. Ecological relationships in a Hmong (Meo) economy. In Farmers in the forest: Economic development and marginal agriculture in Northern Thailand, ed. Peter Kunstadter, E. C. Champan, S. Sakhasi, 210–21. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.

Kerr, Madeline 1952. Personality and conflict in Jamaica. Liverpool: University Press.

Kundstadter, Peter. 1963. A survey of the consanguine or matrifocal family. American Anthropologist 65:56–66.

———, ed. 1967. Southeast Asian tribes, minorities, and nations. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

———. 1971. Natality, mortality and migration of upland and lowland populations in northwestern Thailand. In Culture and population: A collection of current studies, ed. Stephen Polgar, 46–60. Cambridge, MA: Schenkman.

———. 1983. Cultural ideals, socioeconomic change, and household composition: Karen Lua’, Hmong and Thai in Northwestern Thailand. In Households: Comparative and historical studies of the domestic group, ed. Robert McC. Netting, Richard R. Wilk, and Eric J. Arnould, 299–329. Berkeley: University of California Press.

———. 1993. Man in the mangroves: The socio-economic situation of human settlements in mangrove forests. The United Nations University. Tokyo, Japan.

———. 2002. Human population dynamics: Cross-disciplinary perspectives. Helen Macbeth and Paul Collinson, eds. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.

———. 2004. Hmong marriage patterns in Thailand in relation to social change. In Hmong/Miao in Asia, ed. N. Tapp, J. Michaud, C. Culas, and G. Y. Lee. Chiang Mai, Thailand: Silkworm.

Lagro, Monique. 1990. The hucksters of Dominica. Port of Spain: United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean.

Lagro, Monique and Donna Plotkin. 1990. The agricultural traders of St. Vincent and the Grenadines, Grenada, Dominica and St. Lucia. New York: United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean.

Laguerre, Michel. 1979. Études sur le vodou Haïtien: Bibliographie analytique. Fonds St-Jacques: Centre de recherches Caribes.

Lancy, David. 2007. Accounting for variability in mother-child play. American Anthropologist 109(2):273–84.

Larsen Ula, and James W. Vaupel. 1993. Hutterite fecundability by age and parity strategies for fertility modeling of event histories. Demography 30(1):22.

Larson, Eric H. 1981. The effects of plantation economy on a Polynesian population. In And the poor get children, ed. Karen L. Michaelson, 39–49. New York: Monthly Review.

Lazarus-Black, Mindie. 2001. Interrogating the phenomenon of denial: Contesting paternity in Caribbean magistrates’ courts. Political and Legal Anthropology Review 24(1):13–37.

Lee, B. S. and S. C. Farber. 1984. The influence of rapid rural-urban migration on Korean national fertility levels. Journal of Development Economics 17:47–71.

Lee, R. 1996. A cross-cultural perspective on intergenerational transfers and the economic life cycle. In Seminar on intergenerational economic relations and demographic change: Papers, 1–25. Liege, Belgium: International Union for the Scientific Study of Population [IUSSP], Committee on Economic Demography.

Lee, Y. J., W. L. Parish, and R. J. Willis.1994. Sons, daughters, and intergenerational support in Taiwan. American Journal of Sociology 99:1010–41.

Lenaghan, Tom. 2005. Haitian Bleu: A rare taste of success for Haiti’s coffee growers. Development Alternatives Inc. At www.dai.com/pdf/developments/HaitianBleu-DAIdeasDec05.pdf, accessed April 20, 2006.

Leo-Rhynie, E. A. 1997. Class, race, and gender issues in child rearing in the Caribbean. In Caribbean families: Diversity among ethnic groups, ed. J. L. Rooparine & J. Brown, 25–56. Greenwich, CT: Ablex.

Lewis, David Levering. 1981. When Harlem was in vogue. New York: Alfred A. Knopf.

Lewis, Linden. 2003. Gender tension and change in the contemporary Caribbean. From expert group meeting on “The role of men and boys in achieving gender equality.” DAW in collaboration with ILO and UNAIDS, 21–24 October 2003 Brasilia, Brazil.

Leyburn, James G. 1966 [1941]. The Haitian people. New Haven: Yale University Press.

Liebenstein, H. M. 1957. Economic backwardness and economic growth. New York: Wiley.

Lillard, L. A., and R. J. Willis. 1997. Motives for intergenerational transfers: Evidence from Malaysia. Demography 34:115–34.

Locher, Uli. 1975. The market system of Port-au-Prince. In Working papers in Haitian society and culture, ed. Sidney W. Mintz. New Haven, CT: Antilles Research Program, Yale University.

Locke, Alain. 1925. Foreword to The New Negro, an interpretation. New York: Albert and Charles Boni.

Lowenthal, David. 1957. The population of Barbados. Journal of Economic and Social Studies 6:471.

———. 1963. Occupational multiplicity in rural Jamaica. In Symposium on community studies in anthropology, ed. V. Garfield and E. Friedl. Proceedings of the American Ethnological Society. Seattle: University of Washington Press.

Lowenthal, David, and Lambros Comitas. 1962. Emigration and depopulation: Some neglected aspects of population geography. Geographical Review 52(2):195–210.

Lowenthal, Ira. 1987. Marriage is 20, children are 21: The cultural construction of conjugality in rural Haiti. Dissertation, Johns Hopkins University.

———. 1984. Labor, sexuality and the conjugal contract. In Haiti: Today and tomorrow, ed. Charles R. Foster and Albert Valman. Lanham, MD: University Press of America.

Lundahl, Mats. 1983. The Haitian economy: Man, land, and markets. New York: St. Martin’s.

Mackenzie, Charles. 1830 [1971]. Notes on Haiti, made during a residence in that republic, Vol 1. London: Frank Cass.

Mamdani, Mahmood. 1973. The myth of population control: Family caste and class in an Indian village. New York: Monthly Review Press.

———. 1981. The ideology of population control. In And the poor get children, ed. Karen L. Michaelson, 39–49. New York: Monthly Review Press.

Mann, Jim. 1993. CIA’s aid plan would have undercut Aristide in ’87–88. Los Angeles Times, October 31.

Mantz, Jeffrey W. 2003. Lost in the fire, gained in the ash: Moral economies of exchange in Dominica. Dissertation, University of Chicago.

———. 2007. How a huckster becomes a custodian of market morality: Traditions of flexibility in exchange in Dominica. Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power 14:19–38.

Marino, Anthony. 1970. Family, fertility, and sex ratios in the British Caribbean. Population Studies 24(2):159–72.

Marshall, Dawn I. 1985. International migration as circulation: Haitian movement to the Bahamas. In Circulation in third world countries, ed. R. Mansell Prothero and Murray Chapman, 226–40. Boston: Routledge and Kegan Paul.

Massiah, Joycelin. 1982. Women who head households. In Women and the family, ed. J. Massiah, 62–130. Cave Hill, Barbados: Institute of Social and Economic Research, University of the West Indies.

———. 1983. Women as heads of households in the Caribbean: Family structure and feminine status. United Kingdom: UNESCO.

Maternowska, Catherine. 1996. Coups d’etat and contraceptives: A political economy analysis of family planning in Haiti. Dissertation, Columbia University.

Matthews, Dom Basil. 1953. Crisis of the West Indian family. Caribbean Affairs Series. Port of Spain, Trinidad: University of the West Indies.

Maynard-Tucker, G. 1996. Unions, fertility, and the quest for survival. Social Science & Medicine 43(9):1379–87.

McElroy, Jerome, and Klaus Albuquerque. 1988. The impact of migration on mortality and fertility in St. Kitts-Nevis and the U.S. Virgin Islands. Caribbean Geography 2(3):173–94.

———. 1990. Migration, natality and fertility: Some Caribbean evidence. International Review 24(4):783–802.

McGowan, Lisa A. 1997. Democracy undermined, economic justice denied: Structural adjustment and the aid juggernaut in Haiti. Washington, DC: Development Group for Alternative Policies.

McPherson, Matthew and Timothy Schwartz. 2001. The Defeminization of the Dominican Hinterlands: Conservation Implications for the Cordillera Central. The

Nature Conservancy: Arlington, Virginia.

Mencher, Joan P., and Anne Okongwu, eds. 1993. Where did all the men go? Female-headed, female-supported households in cross-cultural perspective. Boulder, CO: Westview.

Metraux, Rhoda. 1951. Kith and kin: a study of Creole social structure in Marbial, Haiti. Dissertation, Columbia University.

Midgett, D. K. 1977. West Indian migration and adaptation in St. Lucia and London. Dissertation, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign.

Millspaugh, Arthur C. 1931. Haiti under American control: 1915–1931. Boston: World Peace Foundation.

Mintz, Sidney. 1955. The Jamaican internal marketing pattern: some notes and hypothesis. Social and Economic Studies 4(1):95–103.

———. 1971. Men, women and trade. Comparative Studies in Society and History. 13:247–69.

———. 1974. Caribbean transformations. Chicago: Aldine.

———. 1981. Economic role and cultural tradition. In The black woman cross-culturally, ed. Filomina Chioma Steady, 513–34. Cambridge, MA: Schenkman.

———. 1985. From plantations to peasantries in the Caribbean. In Caribbean contours, ed. Sidney W. Mintz and Sally Price, 127–53. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.

Mintz, Sidney, and Eric R. Wolf. 1950. An analysis of ritual co-parenthood (compadrazgo). The Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 6(4):341–65.

Modiano, Nancy. 1973. Indian education in the Chiapa highlands. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston.

Mohammed, Patricia. 1986. The Caribbean family revisited. In Gender in Caribbean development, ed. Patricia Mohammed and Catherine Shepherd, 170–82. Mona, Jamaica: University of the West Indies.

Montague, Ludwell Lee. 1966. Haiti and the United States: 1714–1938. New York: Russel and Russel.

Moore W. E. 1945. Economic demography of Eastern Europe. Geneva, Switzerland: League of Nations.

Moral, Paul. 1961. Le Paysan Haitien. Paris: Maisonneuve et Larose.

Moreau, St. Mery. 1797. Description de la partie Francaise de Saint-Domingue. Paris: Societe de l’Histoire de Colonies Francaises.

Mosher, William D. 1980. The theory of change and response: An application to Puerto Rico, 1940 to 1970. Population Studies 34(1):45–48.

Munroe, Ruth H., Robert L. Munroe, and Harold S. Shimmin. 1984. Children’s work in four cultures: determinants and consequences. American Anthropologist 86:369–79.

Murphy, Martin F. 1986. Historical and contemporary labor utilization practices in sugar industries of the Dominican Republic. Dissertation, Columbia University.

Murray Gerald F. 1972. The economic context of fertility patterns in a rural Haitian community. Report submitted to the International Institute for the Study of Human Reproduction. New York: Columbia University.

———. 1976. Women in perdition: Fertility control in Haiti. In Culture natality and family planning, ed. John Marshall and Steven Polgar, 59–79. Chapel Hill, NC: Carolina Population Center.

———. 1977. The evolution of Haitian peasant land tenure: Agrarian adaptation to population growth. Dissertation, Columbia University.

———. 1991. The phantom child in Haitian voodoo: A folk-religious model of uterine life. In African creative expression of the divine, ed. Kortright Davis, Elias Farajaje-Jones, and Iris Eaton. Washington DC: Howard University School of Divinity.

Murray, Gerald, Matthew McPherson, and Timothy T. Schwartz. 1998. Fading frontier: An anthropological analysis of social and economic relations on the Dominican and Haitian Border. Report for USAID (Dom Repub).

Murthy, D. 1973. Loss of potential fertility due to unstable unions in Haiti. Unpublished manuscript, Harvard School of Public Health.

Nag, Moni. 1971. The influence of conjugal behavior, migration and contraception on natality in Barbados. In Culture and population: A collection of current studies, ed. Stephen Polgar, 105–23. Cambridge, MA: Schenkman.

Nag, Moni, Benjamin N. F. White, and R. Creighton Peet. 1978. An anthropological approach to the study of the economic value of children in Java and Nepal. Current Anthropology 19:293–306.

Naval, G. 1995. Evaluation of the crisis program of the catholic relief services in Haiti. Final report. Port-au-Prince, Haiti.

Nene, Y. L., Susan D. Hall, and V. K. Sheila, eds. 1990. The pigeonpea. Andhra Pradesh, India: International Crops Research Institute for the Semi-Arid Tropics.

Newsom, Lee Ann. 1993. Native West Indian plant use. Dissertation, University of Florida, Gainesville.

Nicholls, David. 1974. Economic dependence and political autonomy: The Haitian experience. Occasional Paper Series No. 9. Montreal: McGill University, Center for Developing-Area Studies.

Nietschmann, Bernard. 1979. Ecological change, inflation, and migration in the far western Caribbean. Geographical Review 69(1):1–24.

Nonaka, K., T. Miura, and K. Peter. 1994. Recent fertility decline in Dariusleut Hutterites: An extension of Eaton and Mayer’s Hutterite fertility study. Human Biology 66(3):411–21.

Notestein, F. 1945. Population—the long view. In Food for the world, ed. T. W. Schultz, 36–57. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

NPR (National Public Radio). 2000. A restavec’s tale: Jean-Robert Cadet. February 18. At www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=1070500.

———. 2007. Haiti’s dark secret: The restavecs: Servitude crosses the line between chores and child slavery. March 27, 2004 National Public Radio broadcast by Rachel Leventhal and Gigi Cohen, NPR Weekend Edition. At www.npr.org/

templates/story/story.php?storyId=1779562.

Nutini, Hugo G., and Betty Bell. 1980. Ritual kinship: The structure and historical development of the compadrazgo system in rural Tlaxcala. New Jersey: Princeton University Press.

Nzeza, Koko. 1988. Differential responses of maize, peanut, and sorghum to water stress. Master’s thesis, University of Florida, Gainesville.

N’zengou-Tayo M.J. 1998. “Fanm se poto mitan”: Haitian woman, the pillar of society [Fanm se poto mitan: la femme Haïtienne, pilier de la société]. Mona, Jamaica: Centre For Gender And Development Studies, University Of The West Indies.

Oloko, Beatrice Adenike. 1994. Children’s street work in urban Nigeria: Dilemma of modernizing tradition. In Cross-cultural roots of minority child development, ed. Patricia M. Greenfield and Robert R. Cocking, 197–224. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.

Olwig, Karen Fog. 1985. Cultural adaptation and resistance on St. John: Three centuries of Afro-Caribbean life. Gainesville: University of Florida Press.

Onwueme, I. C. 1978. Tropical tuber crops. New York: John Wiley.

Oprah. 2007. “Slavery” in Haiti and Ghana. From the show “A special report: The little boy Oprah couldn’t forget.” At www2.oprah.com/tows/slide/200702/20070209/

slide_20070209_284_115.jhtml.

Otterbein, Keith. 1963. The family organization of the Andros Islanders. Dissertation, University of Pittsburgh.

———. 1965. Caribbean family organization: A comparative analysis. American Anthropologist 67:66–79.

———. 1966. The Andros Islanders: A study of family organization in the Bahamas. Lawrence: University of Kansas Press.

———.1970. The evolution of war: A cross-cultural study. New Haven, CT: HRAF Press.

———.1986. The ultimate coercive sanction: A cross-cultural study of capital punishment. New Haven, CT: HRAF Press.

———. 1994. Feuding and warfare: Selected works of Keith F. Otterbein. New York and London: Routledge.

———. 2004. How war began. College Station: Texas A&M University Press.

Oxfam. 2005. Food aid or hidden dumping? Separating wheat from chaff. Briefing paper. At www.oxfam.org.uk/what_we_do/issues/trade/bp71_foodaid.htm, accessed May 1, 2006.

Palmer, Ransord W. 1974. A decade of West Indian migration to the United States, 1962–1972: An economic survey analysis. Social and Economic Studies 23(4):572–87.

Paul, Max. 1983. Black families in modern Bermuda. Göttingen, Germany: Edition Herodot.

Perusek, Glenn. 1984. Haitian emigration in the early twentieth century. International Migration Review l8:4–18.

Petras, Elizabeth McLean. 1988. Jamaican labor migration: White capital and black labor. Boulder, CO: Westview.

Philpott, Stuart. 1973. West Indian migration; the Montserrat case. London, Athlone Press.

PISANO. 1990. Rapport relatif aux resultats de l’enquete de donnes de base de Jean Rabel. Theis, W, S. Lund, and T. Janssen, eds. Hindenburgring, Germany: Juillet Istrupa Consulting.

Plummer, Gayle. 1985. Haitian migrants and backyard imperialism. Class and Race XXVI, 4:35–43.

Polgar, Steven. 1972. Population history and population policies from an anthropological perspective. Current Anthropology 13(2):203–11.

Pollock, Nancy. 1972. Women and the division of labor: A Jamaican example. American Anthropologist 74(3):689–92.

Price, Richard. 1966. Caribbean fishing and fisherman: A historical sketch. American Anthropologist 68(6):1363–83.

Quinlan, Robert. 2005. Kinship, gender and migration from a rural Caribbean community. Migration Letters 2(1):2–12.

———. 2006. Gender and risk in a matrifocal Caribbean community: A view from behavioral ecology. American Anthropologist 108(3):464–79.

Reher, David Sven, and Pedro Luis Iriso-Napal. 1989. Marital fertility and its determinants in rural and urban Spain, 1887–1930. Population Studies 43:405–27.

Richardson, Bonham C. 1975. The overdevelopment of Carriacou. Geographical Review 65(3):390–99.

Richardson, Laura. 1997. Feeding dependency, starving democracy: USAID policies in Haiti. Boston: Grassroots International.

Richman, Karen E. 2003. Miami money and the home gal. Anthropology and Humanism 27(2): 119–32.

Roberts, G. W. 1957. Some aspects of mating and fertility in the West Indies. Population Studies 8:199–227.

Rocheleau, Dianne. 1984. Geographic and socioeconomic aspects of the recent Haitian migration to South Florida. In Caribbean migration program. Gainesville: University of Florida, Center for Latin American Studies.

Rodman, Hyman. 1971. Lower-class families: The culture of poverty in Negro Trinidad. New York: Oxford University Press.

RONCO. 1987. Agriculture sector assessment: Haiti. Marguerite Blemur, ed. Washington: RONCO Consulting Corporation.

Ross R. T., and M. Cheang. 1997. Common infectious diseases in a population with low multiple sclerosis and varicella occurrence. Journal of Epidemiology 50(3):337–39.

Rotberg, Robert I., and Christopher A. Clague. 1971. Haiti, The politics of squalor. Boston: Houghton Mifflin.

Rouse, Irving. 1992. The Tainos: Rise and decline of the people who greeted Columbus. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.

Rubenstein, Hymie. 1977. Economic history and population movements in an eastern Caribbean Valley. Ethnohistory 24(1):19–45.

———. 1979. The return ideology in West Indian migration. In The anthropology of return migration, ed. Robert Rhoades. Papers in Anthropology 20:330–37.

———. 1983. Remittances and rural development in the English-speaking Caribbean. Human Organization 42(4):295–306.

Safa, Helen I. 1986. Economic autonomy and sexual equality in Caribbean society. Social and Economic Studies 35(3):1–21.

———. 1995. The myth of the male breadwinner: Women and industrialization in the Caribbean. Boulder, CO: Westview.

Sahlins, Marshall. 1972. Stone age economics. Chicago: Aldine.

Saint‑Louis, Loretta‑Jane Prichard. 1988. Migration evolves: The political economy of network process and form in Haiti, the U.S. and Canada. Dissertation, Boston University.

Sargent, Carolyn, and Michael Harris. 1992. Gender ideology, childrearing, and child health in Jamaica. American Ethnologist 19(3):523–37.

Scarano, Francisco A. 1989. Labor and society in the nineteenth century. In The Modern Caribbean, ed. Franklin W. Knight and Colin A. Palmer. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press.

———. 1984. Sugar and slavery in Puerto Rico: The plantation economy of Ponce, 1800–1850. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press.

Schellekens, J. 1993. Wages, secondary workers, and fertility: A working-class perspective of the fertility transition in England and Wales. Journal of Family History 18: 1–17.

Schwartz, Timothy. 1992. Haitian migration: System labotomization. Unpublished master’s thesis, University of Florida, Gainesville.

———. 1998. NHADS survey: Nutritional, health, agricultural, demographic and socio-economic survey: Jean Rabel, Haiti, June 1, 1997–June 11, 1998. Unpublished report, on behalf of PISANO, Agro Action Allemande and Initiative Developpment. Hamburg, Germany.

———. 2000. “Children are the wealth of the poor:” High fertility and the organization of labor in the rural economy of Jean Rabel, Haiti. Dissertation, University of Florida, Gainesville.

———. 2004. “Children are the wealth of the poor”: Pronatalism and the economic utility of children in Jean Rabel, Haiti. Research in Anthropology 22:62–105.

SCID (South-East Consortium for International Development) 1993. Report: Farmer needs assessment exploratory surveys: CARE Northwest region 2, 3 & 4 South-East. Richard A. Swanson, William Gustave, Yves Jean, Roosevelt Saint-Dic, eds. Consortium for International Development and Auburn University. Work performed under USAID contract No. 521-0217-C-0004-00.

Scrimshaw, Susan. 1978. Infant mortality and behavior in the regulation of family size. Population and Development Review 4:383–403.

Segal, Aaron. 1975. Population policies in the Caribbean. Lexington, MA: D.C. Heath.

———. 1987. The Caribbean exodus in a global context. In Caribbean exodus, ed. B. Levine. New York: Praeger.

Senior, Olive. 1991. Working miracles: Women’s lives in the English-speaking Caribbean. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.

Sergeant, Carolyn, and Michael Harris. 1992. Gender ideology, child rearing, and child health in Jamaica. American Ethnologist 19(3):523–37.

Sharpe, J. 1997. Mental health issues and family socialization in the Caribbean. In Caribbean families: Diversity among ethnic groups, ed. J. L. Rooparine & J. Brown. Greenwich, CT: Ablex.

Simey, T. S. 1946. Welfare and planning in the West Indies. Oxford: Clarendon.

Simmons, Alan Dwaine Plaza, and Victor Piché. 2005. The remittance sending practices of Haitians and Jamaicans in Canada. At www.un.org/esa/population/publications/

IttMigLAC/P01_ASimmons.pdf.

Simpson, George Eaton. 1942. Sexual and family institutions in Northern, Haiti. American Anthropologist 44:655–74.

Singer, Merrill, Lani Davidson, and Gina Gerdes. 1988. Cultural, critical theory, and reproductive illness behavior in Haiti. Medical Anthropology Quarterly 2(4):379–85.

Skari, Tala. 1987. The dilemma. Refugees March:27–29.

Sloley, M. 1999. Parenting deficiencies outlined. The Jamaica Gleaner Online. At www.jamaicagleaner/1999117/news/n1.html, accessed April 2, 2002.

Smith, Delores E., and Gail Mosby. 2003. Jamaican child-rearing practices: The role of corporal punishment. Adolescence, Summer. At findarticles.com/p/articles

/mi_m2248/is_150_38/ai_109027887/pg_1?tag=artBody;col1.

Smith, Jennie Marcelle. 1998. Family planning initiatives and Kalfouno peasants: What’s going wrong? Occasional paper/University of Kansas Institute of Haitian Studies, no. 13. Lawrence: Institute of Haitian Studies, University of Kansas.

Smith, M. G. 1957. Introduction. In My mother who fathered me: A study of the family in three selected communities in Jamaica, by Edith Clarke. London: George Allen and Unwin.

———. 1961. Kinship and household in Carriacou. Social and Economic Studies 10(1):455–77.

———. 1962. West Indian family structure. Seattle: University of Washington.

———. 1966. Introduction. In My mother who fathered me: A study of the family in three selected communities in Jamaica, 2nd ed., by Edith Clarke. London: George Allen and Unwin.

Smith, R. T. 1953. Aspects of family organization in a coastal negro community in British Guiana: A preliminary report. Social and Economic Studies 1(1):87–112.

———. 1956. The Negro family in British Guiana. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul.

———. 1988. Kinship and class in the West Indies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

———. 1996. The matrifocal family: Power, pluralism and politics. New York and London: Routledge.

Smucker, Glenn Richard. 1983. Peasants and development politics: A study in class and culture. Dissertation, New School for Social Research.

Solien, Nancie. 1961. Family organization in five types of migratory wage labor. American Anthropologist 63(6):1264–80.

———. 1959. The consanguineal household among the black Carib of central America. Dissertation, University of Michigan.

Sommerfelt, Tone, ed. 2002. Child domestic labour in Haiti characteristics, contexts and organisation of children’s residence, relocation and work. A FAFO report to UNICEF, ILO, Save the Children UK and Save the Children Canada.

Springfield, Consuelo Lopez, ed. 1997. Daughters of Caliban: Caribbean women in the twentieth century. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.

Stepick, Alex. 1984. The roots of Haitian migration. In Haiti—today and tomorrow, ed. Charles R. Foster and Albert Valdman. Lanham, MD; University Press of America.

———. 1982. Haitian refugees in the U.S., Report No. 53. London: Minority Rights Group.

Stewart, John O. 1973. Coolie and creole: Differential adaptations in a neo-plantation village-Trinidad, West Indies. Dissertation, University of California at Los Angeles.

Stycos, J. Mayone. 1954. Haitian attitudes toward family size. Human Organization 23(1): 42 –47.

Stycos, J. Mayone, and Kurt W. Back. 1964. The control of human fertility in Jamaica. New York: Cornell University Press.

Sunday Telegraph. 2007. The plight of Haiti’s child slaves. By Pete Pattisson, at

Sutton, Constance, and Susan Makiesky-Barrow. 1975. Migration and West Indian racial and ethnic consciousness. In Migration and development: Implications for ethnic identity and political conflict, ed. Helen I. Safa and Brian M. du Toit, 113–44. The Hague: Mouton.

———. 1975. Women, knowledge, and power. In Women cross-culturally: Change & challenge, ed. Ruby Roehrlich-Leavitt, 581–600. The Hague: Mouton.

———. 1970. Social inequality and sexual status in Barbados. In Sexual stratification: A cross-cultural view, ed. Alice Schlegel. New York: Columbia University Press.

Szwed, John F. 1970. Afro-American musical adaptation. In Afro-American anthropology, ed. Norman F. Whitten and John F. Szwed. New York: Free Press.

Taufa, Tukutau, Vui Mea, and John Lourie. 1990. A preliminary report on fertility and socio-economic changes in two Papua New Guinea communities. In Fertility and responses, ed. John Landers, 35–46. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Tauheed, Linwood F. 2003. Brown—Then and now: Social science and the shifting Brown paradigm. Speech given January 25, 2003 at the University of Missouri—Kansas City School of Law.

Taylor, E. 1976. The social adjustment of returned migrants to Jamaica. In Ethnicity in the Americas, ed. Frances Henry, 213–29. The Hague: Mouton.

Toro, Julio Cesar, and Charles B. Atlee. 1980. Agronomic practices for cassava production: A literature review. In Cassava cultural practices: Proceedings of a workshop held in Salvador, Bahia, Brazil, 18–21 March 1980. Ottawa, Canada: International Research Development Research Centre.

Treco, Ria N. M. 2002. The Haitian diaspora in the Bahamas. Dissertation, Florida International University.

U.S. Department of Commerce. 2006. Haiti country reports on economic policy and trade practices—1998 key economic indicators. Trade Compliance Center. At trade.gov/mac, accessed April 13, 2006.

U.S. Department of Labor. 1998. Haiti: Child labor in Haiti. Bureau of International Labor Affairs. At www.dol.gov/ilab.

Ulysse, Gina. 1999. Uptown ladies and downtown women: Informal commercial importing and the social/symbolic politics of identity in Jamaica. Dissertation, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor.

UN Globalis. 2006. Global methodology for mapping human impacts on the biosphere . At globalis.gvu.unu.edu.

UN Supplementary Convention on the Abolition of Slavery 1956 Convention 138 under the Child Labor Code. At www.ilo.org/public/english/dialogue/actrav/genact/child/

part1_a/publ1_artic.htm.

Underwood, Frances W. 1960. The marketing system in peasant Haiti. In Papers in Caribbean Anthropology, ed. Sidney W. Mintz. New Haven, CT: Yale University.

UNICEF. 1993. Les enfants en situation spécialement difficile en Haiti. Port-au-Prince: Author.

———. 1997. The state of the world’s children. New York: Author.

———. 2006. Fertility and contraceptive use: Global database on contraceptive prevalence. At www.childinfo.org/eddb/fertility/dbcontrc.htm, accessed May 3, 2006.

UNIFEM. 2006. UNIFEM in Haiti: Supporting gender justice, development and peace. UNIFEM Caribbean Office, Christ Church, Barbados. At www.womenwarpeace

.org/Haiti/Haiti.htm.

United Nations. 1999. Human development report. New York: Author.

———. 2000. Indicators on income and economic activity. United Nations Statistics Division. At www.un.org/Depts/unsd/social/inc-eco.htm.

———. 2005. World population prospects. The 2004 revision population data base. At esa.un.org/unpp, accessed February 3, 2007.

United Nations. 2006. Demographic yearbook.At unstats.un.org/unsd/demographic/

products/dyb/dyb2.htm, accessed March 24, 2007.

United Nations Development Programme. 2004. Millennium development goals look out of reach for increasingly impoverished Haitians. At www.undp.org/mdg/news2.

shtml.

———. 2006. Human development indicators 2003. At hdr.undp.org/reports/global/

2003/indicator/indic_196_1_1.html.

UNOPS. 1997. Ministère de la planification et de la coopération externe (mpce) direccion departmental du Nord-Ouest July) Éléments de la problématique déparetmentale (Version de Consultation) Programme des Nations Unies pour le Développement (PNUD), Centre des Nations Unies pour les Établissements Humains (CNUEH-Habitat), Projet d’Appui Institutionnel en Aménagement du Territoire (HAI-94-016). Port-de-Paix, Haiti.

UPAN. 1982. Projections des besoins et services dans le domaine alimentaire et nutritionnel, Port-au-Prince, Haiti.

Vaessen, Martin. 1984. Childlessness and infecundity. Comparative Studies no. 31. Voorburg, Netherlands: International Statistical Institute.

Vassiere, Pierre de. 1909. Saint Domingue la societe et la vie Creoles sous l’ancien regime (1629–1789) Paris: Perrin.

Verschueren, J. 1984. Le Diocese de Port-de-Paix: La Mission Montfortaine de’Haiti 1871–1936. Informations & Recherches Mission Montfortain. Port-au-Prince, Haiti.

Veschuren R. 1955. La sucrerie Foache a Jean Rabel. In Revue de la Société Haitienne d’Histoire et de Geographie 27(97).

Victor, Rene. 1944. Recensement et demographie. Port-au-Prince, Haiti: Imprimie de l’Etat.

Wagley, Charles. 1957. Plantation America: A culture sphere. In Caribbean studies, a symposium, ed V. Rubin. Jamaica: Institute of Social Economic Research.

Walker, Della M. 1968. Family and social structure in Anguilla. In The family in the Caribbean: Proceedings of the first conference on the family in the Caribbean, ed. Stanford N. Gerber, 111–16. Rio Piedras: Institute of Caribbean Studies, University of Puerto Rico.

White, Benjamin. 1973. Demand for labor and reproduction in a Javanese village. Dissertation, Columbia University.

———.1976. Production and reproduction in a Javanese village. Dissertation, Columbia University.

———. 1982. Child labor and population growth in rural Asia. Development and Change 13:587–610.

WHO (World Health Organization). 1999. World Health Organization multinational study of breastfeeding and lactational amennorhea pregnancy and breastfeeding: World Health Organization task force on methods for the natural regulation of fertility III. In Sterility and Fertility 72(3):431–40.

Wikipedia. 2006. Economy of Haiti. At en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Economy_of_Haiti, accessed April 5, 2006.

Williams, Eric. 1970. From Columbus to Castro. London: Vintage Books.

Williams, S. J., N. Murthy, and G. Berggren. 1975. Conjugal unions among rural Haitian women. Journal of Marriage and the Family 4:1022–31.

Wilmsen, E. 1978. Seasonal effects on dietary intake on Kalahari Kung. Proceedings of the Federation of American Societies for Experimental Biology 37(1):25–32.

———. 1982. Biological variables in forager fertility performance: A critique of Bongaarts Model. Working Papers no. 60. Boston University: African Studies Center.

Wilson, Peter. 1969. Reputation and respectability: A suggestion for Caribbean ethnology. Man 4(1):70–84.

———. 1961a. The social structure of Providencia Isla, Columbia. Dissertation, Yale University, New Haven.

———. 1961b. Household and family on Provendencia. In Social and Economic Studies 10(1):511–27.

———. 1973. Crab antics: The social anthropology of English-Speaking negro societies of the Caribbean. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.

Wolf, Eric. 1955. Types of Latin American peasantry: A preliminary discussion. American Anthropologist 57(3):452–71.

Wolf, Eric, and Sidney W. Mintz. 1957. Haciendas and plantations in middle America and the Caribbean. Social and Economic Studies 6:380–412.

Wood, J. W. 1995. Dynamics of human reproduction: Biology, biometry, demography. New York: Aldine de Gruyter.

World Bank. 1998. Haiti: The challenges of poverty reduction. Report #17242-HA Volume 1 1998. Poverty Unit and Economic Management Unit and Caribbean Country Management Unit. Latin American and Caribbean Region.

———. 2002. A review of gender issues in the Dominican Republic, Haiti, and Jamaica. Report No. 21866-LAC. December 11th , Caribbean Management Unit, Latin America and the Caribbean Region.

Yelvington, Kevin A. ­2001. The anthropology of Afro-Latin America and the Caribbean: Diasporic dimensions. Annual Review of Anthropology 30:227–60.

Zelizer, Adriana. 1985. Pricing the priceless child: The changing social values of children. New York: Basic Books.

Zuvekas, Clarence Jr. 1978. A survey of the literature on income distribution and the fulfillment of basic human needs in the Caribbean region. Caribbean Regional Working Document Series #3. Washington, DC: USAID.