Anthropology of NGOs: How Activist Humanitarian Aid Agendas Corrupted Social Sciences in the Caribbean

The obscurantism of political and economic agendas has always pervaded discourse on Caribbean family patterns, but anthropology had a stronger materialist orientation in the early and mid-1900s, one that lent itself to rigorous analysis of causation. By the 1970s and 1980s, hope was fading. A fog of research agendas, convoluted analyses,  ideational and cultural causal arguments, and myths all but completely obscured an understanding of the underlying determinants of Caribbean family structure. Here I want to present exactly what these research agendas were and I also want to deal with why. Why did researchers increasingly abandon logical material causal explanations? I believe that I can demonstrate that the answer is that the research and conclusions were usually steeped in political discourse or government-funded campaigns meant, not to understand the behavior of Caribbean people, but to rationalize, manipulate, exploit, or change it (also see here for article on denial of material causation regarding child contributions to household labor pool).

 

Historical Particularism and Civil Rights

Caribbean family patterns made their first entrance into the mainstream social science literature when Melville Herskovits—a student of Franz Boas—competed with Franklin Frazier, a sociologist, for what Freilich (1967: 239) called “The Explanation.” Echoing sentiments of “separate but equal,” Herskovits explained Caribbean family and kinship as reformulated cultural survivals from Africa. Upon visiting Harlem he was impressed by a “teeming center of negro life,” complete with “hospitals and the social service agencies . . . lawyers, and doctors and editors and writers . . . capitalists, teachers, and nurses and students,” what he called “the same pattern” as white society “only a different shade” (Herskovits 1925: 368; Gambrell 1997:104). As historian David Levering Lewis (1981: 116) quipped, Herskovits’ arguments, popular with both white separatists and the wealthy blacks who dominated the NAACP, earned the white Jewish scholar the title “honorary New Negro”—a pun on Herskovits’ essay “The New Negro.”

Herskovits’ nemesis, Franklin Frazier, was an African-American professor of sociology at Howard University and member of the civil rights intelligentsia that came to be known as the Howard Circle. Frazier insisted on the primacy of the slave experience and subsequent discrimination, poverty, and exploitation as determinants of Afroamerican/Caribbean family patterns. He and those close to him viewed Herskovits’ arguments as an extension of that discrimination, charging that the ideas he promoted lent credence to white racist arguments, and that wealthy blacks accepted “unconditionally, the values of the white bourgeois world” because “they do not truly identify themselves with Negroes”—one implication being that they benefited from their positions as an intermediate elite negotiating the economic and political divide between whites and blacks (Frazier 1957). Addressing Herskovits in a speech in Harlem, Frazier summed the political implications of the Herskovits position:

If whites believe that the Negro’s social behaviour was rooted in African culture, they would lose whatever sense of guilt they had for keeping the Negro down. Negro crime, for example, could be explained away as an “Africanism” rather than due to inadequate police and court protection.  (Tauheed 2003)                                                                              

With the successes of the civil rights movement, the Herskovits-Frazier debate transformed. Afroamericans interested in motivating black ethnicity to politically consolidate power—and who may earlier have stood on the other side of the issue, that of equal rights and universal suffrage—soon embraced Herskovits’ ideas. The 1960s was, as Cole (1985: 123) has described it, “the era of African dress, African hairstyles and adoption of African names”; and “The renewed interest in Africanisms . . . was clearly associated with the political climate of the Black Power Movement and the rise of black studies in academic circles” (Cole 1985: 121). The Africanism perspective of Caribbean family patterns continues among those scholars interested in identity (Sutton and Makiesky-Barrow 1975: 297; Crahan et al. 1980; Cole 1985; Barrow 1986; Yelvington 2001). But for most anthropologists, they are no longer of major interest.[note 2]

Structural Functionalism and Colonial Government Morality Campaigns

Concurrent with and following the Herskovits/Frazier debate—or, perhaps more accurately, the separation versus integration debate—was structural functionalism: a focus on the adaptive interrelations between social institutions. Once again, scholars were embedded in greater econopolitical processes, this one closely linked to colonial efforts to revitalize overseas protectorates through an “organized campaign against the social, moral and economic evils of promiscuity,” an endeavor that included massive marriage campaigns (M. G. Smith 1957: iv). Among the leading structural-functionalists in the Caribbean were Edith Clarke—anthropologist, politician, and Jamaican aristocrat—and M. G. Smith—another Jamaican-born, English-educated aristocrat-anthropologist. Both Smith’s and Clarke’s viewpoints harked back to the earlier colonial regime attempts to capture “peasant” labor and illustrate the degree to which the endeavor was slanted toward modifying behavior to the advantages of state funding agencies. Specifically, the objective was to convert impoverished denizens of the Caribbean into productive taxpayers. In writing the introduction to Clarke’s 1957 book, My Mother Who Fathered Me, M. G. Smith left no room for doubt:

The material difficulties of West Indian economic and social development are compounded by instabilities and fluidities in the family organization on which the society depends both for the effective socialization of its young and for the adequate motivation of its adult members to participate vigorously in the social and economic life. These familial conditions affect labour productivity, absenteeism, occupational aspirations, training and performances, attitudes to saving, birth control, and farm development, and to programmes of individual and community self-help, housing and child care, education, and the like. (1957: vi-vii)

In the end, structural functionalists fulfilled the prophecies of the funding agencies so effectively—finding that the behavior of lower-income Caribbean people was indeed “dysfunctional,” “uncivilized,” and “disorganized”—that they were arguably a principal force in the destruction of the paradigm. Structural-functionalism could not survive the onslaught of “structural-less” and “functional-less” findings. As for the drive to modify the morality of impoverished denizens of the Caribbean, independence squashed it. Independence for Jamaica came in 1962; for Trinidad and Tobago, internal self-rule came in 1962 and full independence in 1976; for the Bahamas, internal self-rule came in 1964 and full independence in 1973; and most of the lesser Antilles’ independence came in the 1960s to 1980s. With the end of the colonial regimes, came an end to the funding of social science research targeted to turn the impoverished people of the colonies into happy, ambitious, and legally married tax payers.

Post Functional-Structuralist Era

Beginning earlier on, with the structural-functionalists, and extending into the early 1970s, came a short period of scientific enlightenment when scholars began to test hypotheses and apply statistical methodology to resolve the causal puzzle of Caribbean kinship and family patterns. “Survivalisms” and a reification of cultural institutions typical of the structural-functionalists still lingered in the form of typologies, an attempt to break the culture of the Caribbean into specific patterns of behavior: Wolf typed peasants (1955); Solien (1961) typed migration; Richard Price (1966) wanted to type Caribbean fisher folk; Frucht (1971) made denizens of the Caribbean a unique social type altogether; almost everyone typed marriage patterns. But the arguments were nevertheless much improved over the preceding “survivalisms” and “diffusionist” interpretations.

With the work of scholars such as R. T. Smith (1953), Mintz (1955), Cohen (1956), Wolf and Mintz (1957), Clarke (1966), Blake (1961), Wilson (1961), Solien de Gonzalez (1961), and Kunstadter (1963), the foundation was laid for a statistically and qualitatively supported understanding of connections between male migration, households, and conjugal union. The causes of Caribbean family patterns began to unravel and, had they pursued the issue, anthropologists working in the region may well have overcome the ball and chain of typology (e.g., Otterbein 1966; Marino 1970). But they did not.

Instead of explaining Caribbean family patterns, independence movements throughout the Caribbean and changes in colonial policies meant less funding. Most scholars subsequently turned away from the region. Otterbein, for example, began to focus on warfare (1970, 1994, 2004) and capital punishment (1986); Kunstadter (1967, 1983, 1993, 2002, 2004) moved on to Asia, never to write anything significant about the Caribbean again. Anthony Marino completely fell off the radar screen. Of the most celebrated Caribbeanists, Sidney Mintz (1971, 1974, 1985) went on to focus on history, and Nancy Solien de Gonzalez (1969, 1970, 1979, 1984) and R. T. Smith (1988, 1996) went on to rehash the same information and the same arguments for half a century. And so scholars working in the Caribbean and interested primarily in explanations for the sake of science largely disappeared from the scene. Others less interested in explaining would take up the issue.

Feminists

“Feminists went to the Caribbean to correct ideological distortions by documenting and assessing women’s economic, social and political roles” (Safa 1986: 1). They were funded by organizations such as USAID’s Women in Development Technical Assistance Project (WIDTECH), a program deliberately targeted to empower women in the workplace and help them break with traditional gender roles, a worthy social goal in that many Caribbean economies were experiencing industrialization and almost all were being transformed by juggernaut growth in the tourist sector. But it was not conducive to academic understanding.

In analyzing and collecting data, feminists gave ample consideration to material conditions. Massiah (1983) showed that Caribbean women who head households were economically disadvantaged. Blumberg (1993) and Dehavenon (1993) both provided materialist models aimed at accounting for conditions that give way to female-headed households. Abraham (1993) showed how illegitimacy and marriage rates in Carriacou correlated with female access to wage employment. Another admirable feminist argument in regard to explaining female-headed/supported households was that women assume responsibility by default: when men were undependable providers, either because of marginal income opportunities, migration, or culturally ingrained apathy, women were forced to assume the role of household head and provider (Senior 1991: 36–37, 170–71; Massiah 1983: 10–12). A number of feminists, like Barrow (1986: 170), also documented Caribbean women as employing “strategies” to “manipulate a man thereby gaining materially and enhancing their economic autonomy” (see also Senior 1991).

But, while interesting and while they made notable contributions, feminist research was embedded in the movement to empower women. In pursuit of this endeavor it was eclectic, yielded no comprehensive explanation for family patterns, distorted the role of women in the other direction, largely ignoring studies carried out by men and women who preceded them, and often ignoring the existence of men altogether (see Greene and Biddlecom 2000 for a recent critique).

An example is the book titled Where Did All the Men Go: Female-Headed/Female-Supported Households in Cross-Cultural Perspective (1993), edited by Mencher and Okongwu, among the most notable feminist anthologies of causal investigations into Caribbean family patterns. Somewhat ironically, none of the authors investigated “where all the men went,” what they were doing, if or how much money they sent back, or if female-headed households really meant “female-supported.”

But worse regarding feminist contributions to causal understanding is that ignoring men gave way to one of the most obscurant myths that came to muddle a causal understanding of familial dynamics: that Caribbean women were financially and emotionally independent of men. Helen Safa (1986) a leading feminist scholar, typified the feminists in the Caribbean position when she declared in the introductory chapter for a major feminist anthology on the West Indies, “Caribbean low-income women have been fending for themselves and their families for a long time, and have learned not to depend on men for financial or even emotional support” (13–14). This poignant and often quoted misstatement was not only giving short shrift to the majority of impoverished Caribbean men—who in the endeavor to meet the demands women attached to sexuality and paternity found themselves far from home toiling in sugar cane fields, mines, and construction sites—it was not supported by research findings, not even, as seen an earlier chapter, by feminist research findings.

For many students and scholars the notion that Caribbean women were neither emotionally nor financially dependent on men became erroneously enshrined in the concept of matrifocality. R. T. Smith (1956; 1988: 8) first used the term to describe familial development sequences marked by unstable sexual unions, female-headed households, matrilocality, and strong mother-child bonds. Other scholars adopted the term and “matrifocality” became a widely used anthropological descriptive for the Caribbean family. But when Gonzalez (1970) tried to figure out what other scholars meant by “matrifocal” she found little agreement. Researchers used “matrifocal” to describe situations where women were “somehow” more important than the observer had expected: that women had influence in spending family income; as a reference to situations where women were the primary source of income; to designate female-headed households; to delineate female-dominated decision making in the domestic sphere; and at times matrifocality became confused with the consanguineal female-headed households (1970: 231–32, 236; see also Mohammed 1986: 171–72). Eventually, Gonzalez (1984: 8) herself decided that she was “no longer so sure” of her original distinction between consanguineal and matrifocal families “in either an etic or an emic sense.” Even R. T. Smith (1988: 7)—who originally coined the term—came to describe “matrifocality” as “surrounded by a dense fog of misunderstanding,” only to then admit to “some shifts in the meaning I now attach to it.” Blackwood (2005) summed up the enduring confusion surrounding the concept when she wrote that during the 1980s the term “matrifocal” was “allowed to slink offstage without certain issues being resolved” only to return later in the form of “female-headed household” [note 3].

In short, feminist studies of the 1980s and 1990s were embedded in a campaign to empower women—to their credit they often admitted it—but they did little to advance the understanding of the causes underlying family patterns and kinship in the Caribbean. Indeed, authors such as Blackwood (2005) have criticized early feminists themselves for having overemphasized “matrifocality,” thereby perpetuating patriarchic myths.

Contraceptive Campaigns

Many researchers who worked in the Caribbean Basin, especially since the early 1970s, were caught up in antinatal and contraceptive campaigns. Blake (1961), Stycos and Back (1964), Murray (1972, 1976, 1977), Ebanks et al. (1973, 1974, 1975), Handwerker (1983, 1986, 1989, 1993), Jennie Smith (1998), McElroy and Albuquerque (1990), Senior (1991), and Maynard-Tucker (1996) all went to the Caribbean under the tutelage or in association with internationally sponsored fertility reduction programs. The slant inherent in their research objectives are reflected in their conclusions: high birth rates are consistently portrayed as illogical and nonadaptive, the cause of economic hardship and burdensome to women.

Similar to the preceding is Gerald Murray’s (1977) otherwise excellent analysis of the reasons that Haitian farmers give for having large numbers of children was marred by an inexplicable division of the category “useful.” Murray split into two separate categories those farmers who gave “useful” as an explanation for wanting children but did not explain what they meant from those who said “useful” and then specified “as workers.” By dividing the response “useful,” Murray was able to present farmers as favoring children for noneconomic ends; had he done otherwise, had he accepted the implication that “useful” meant to work, the small farmers in Murray’s community would have overwhelmingly come out in favor of having children for economic reasons. Similarly, Maynard-Tucker (1996: 1381) inexplicably twisted her observations that Haitian children were economically useful into them being a burden and then blamed high fertility on causes such as values left over from slavery. Handwerker (1989,1993) focused on female repression in the domestic sphere and employment in the formal sector of Antigua and Barbados, a focus that echoed his earlier highly regarded cross-country test (1986) demonstrating that female involvement in the work force was the principal determinant of fertility decline throughout the world; a valid and well supported observation but one that ignored why fertility was high in the first place or, more specifically, ignored Caribbean women’s traditional careers as managers of productive households, their roles as market women, and the importance of child labor in making them successful in these endeavors. Senior (1991: 67–69) blamed high fertility on causes such as “the need to feel like a woman” and “the biblical injunction to be fruitful and multiply.” And Jennie Smith (1998: 11), began her discussion by saying that, with regard to poor Haitian farmers, proponents of contraceptive use “are simply proposing the preposterous!” But later, in an almost humorous parenthetical and self-reflective moment, she candidly wondered why she fell into the same trap: her exact parenthetical quote was, “Looking back over the pages above, I find that I myself, however unwittingly, also seem to hold that underlying assumption” (Smith 1998: 24) [note 4].

Beyond showing the otherwise inexplicable manipulation of categories (Murray), denial of their own observations (Maynard-Tucker, Smith, Senior), and the over-focus on the formal economy (Handwerker), it is perhaps impossible to unequivocally demonstrate the link between funding agendas and the thought processes of the researchers. But it could be argued that in their conclusions researchers eschewed the obvious importance of child labor contributions because it was a conclusion that meant funding agencies and the researcher-scholar who hoped to get another consultancy job could do nothing to change the situation. If impoverished people were having many children because children were important in the struggle to survive then what needed to be changed was the entire economic system, not a practical or feasible recommendation. If, on the other hand, it was only a matter of tradition, values, lack of knowledge, unavailability of contraceptives, and ineffective healthcare systems, something could be done about it. Seminars, education, and improved clinics could solve the problem. There is also the issue of the researchers’ own values. Anthropologists themselves may have eschewed presenting Caribbean parents as wanting children primarily for work because it was an egregious violation of our own middle and upper class Western values, a point that brings me to the international campaign against child labor.

Child Labor Campaign

The emergence of powerful pro-child institutions such as the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), the International Labor Organization (ILO), Slavery International, and Save the Children coincides with an obsession with children. We come close to worshipping them. In Lancy’s words, the transition went from preparing children to be “future farmers or factory workers—adding their critical bit to the household economy—to economically worthless but emotionally priceless cherubs”; “attitudes that have become enshrined in academic discourse as well” (2007: 278). These values were exported to the developing world through institutions such as UNICEF and Child Defense Fund. Perhaps more than in any other country, the campaign became vigorously executed and wildly exaggerated in Haiti.

The issue began to heat up with the 1984 and 1990 Conferences on Child Domesticity held in Port-au-Prince, Haiti. Participants at the conferences equated child domestic service with “slavery” and, in their zeal to please funding institutions and win support, presented it as epidemic. Lumping together every Haitian child between the ages of five and seventeen and not living with their parents in the category of child domestic servant, the experts came up with estimates of from 100,000 to 250,000, translating to 10 percent to 25 percent of all Haitian children in this age category (UNICEF 1993; Dorélien 1982; 1990; Clesca 1984).

The cry of slavery came to a head in 1998 with an autobiography titled From Haitian Slave Child to Middle-Class American, in which Jean-Robert Cadet (1998) recounted his life as a restavek, the creole word for child domestic servant. Subsequently appearing on National Public Radio and the Oprah Winfrey Show, Cadet precipitated a media hysteria. Prestigious journalists echoed the alarm with titles like “Haiti’s Dark Secret” (NPR 2004) and “The Plight of Haiti’s Child Slaves” (Telegraph, 2007). Frequently citing a 1996 UNICEF study, journalists upped the number of Haitian child servants to three hundred thousand, breaking the earlier records for inflated numbers and translating to about 30 percent of all Haitian children in the target age category. National Public Radio (2004) described the “slave children” as “trafficked,” bringing to mind organized recruiters trucking rural children into the city to be sold. There were even descriptions of thousands of Haitian children annually “trafficked” across the border to the Dominican Republic (U.S. Department of Commerce. 2006; Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor 2007; U.S. Department of State 2006).

In an attempt to put the issue into perspective and determine just how widespread the restavek problem was, an independent organization called Fafo (2002)—funded by UNICEF, ILO, and Save the Children—sent interviewers to visit a sample of 7,812 households throughout both rural and urban areas of Haiti. Defining restavek according to the criteria of parent-child separation, high work load, and lack of or low level of schooling, they estimated the number of Haitian restavek between the ages of five and seventeen years at 173,000 (8.2 percent of the population in this age group at the time of the research); and if the age of fifteen years and under is used, the number was 134,000 (7.7 percent of the population between five and fifteen years of age). They also presented a less dramatic picture of what was going on. The authors pointed out that one problem with the image of the slave-restavek was that most of the 60 percent of the Haitian population that live in rural areas and towns have access only to primary schools that end at 6th grade or earlier and most village schools only go up to the 8th grade. Thus, families use connections in towns and cities to board their children and help them get educated so they can escape the spiraling rural overpopulation and land scarcity seen in earlier chapters (a point punctuated by Jean Rabel farmer responses seen in chapter 13). Many parents pay for their children to live with others so they can attend school. But for those who cannot afford to pay, the children do domestic work in exchange for room and board. So what earlier researchers had been doing was lumping informal boarding-school arrangements in with child slavery. Moreover, many of the child domestics were not the abused “slaves” recounted in the press. Fafo researchers found that parents tended to beat their own children more than the restavek; that the restavek had equal or greater sleeping time; and that as or more often than non-restavek children the restavek had his or her own bed, mattress, or mat. Another important finding was that contrary to the typical image of the vast majority of restavek being girls, 41 percent were boys; and contrary to the portrayal of them as missing out on education, at least 60 percent of all restavek were enrolled in school (Fafo 2002: 56–58).

But the Fafo findings did little to quell accusations of rampant child slavery or the misinformation that human rights advocates and agencies consistently latched on to. In its 2007 report, the U.S. Department of Labor ignored the Fafo data and cited instead an old and unsubstantiated UNICEF study (1997) to claim 250,000 to 300,000 restavek in Haiti, saying that 80 percent were girls under fourteen years of age, an absurd figure that places in the status of child servant one fourth of all Haitian girls in that age category. They also disregarded other Fafo findings, saying that “most” restavek worked from ten to fourteen hours per day and that “most” were not enrolled in school.

I am not saying that child abuse in Haiti is nonexistent or that the institution of restavek is not exploitative. What I am saying is that something peculiar is going on with respect to the presentation and interpretation of the data and that it is a manifestation of a deeply disturbing bias. Even Cadet—who eventually found himself testifying before the United Nations Commission on Human Rights (June 2000)5— was arguably not a restavek. He tells of his wealthy white father leaving him with a childless mistress who, a twisted, hateful, and perhaps jealous woman, abused him, leaving deep emotional scars. While sad, that could have happened anywhere. It could and does happen in developed countries. Moreover, unlike the classic media image of Haitian child slaves, Cadet’s father was paying for his board, made sure he got educated, and then sent him to university in the United States, where he became a teacher and, after the child slavery issue became a hot topic, wrote a best-seller, became famous, and lent his name to a charitable foundation to aid restavek. When reading the Amazon reviews for Cadet’s book I came across this commentary,

As a child growing up in Haiti…I knew Mr. Cadet, I played with him, I saw him everyday for at least four years, and only thought of his adoptive mother as a strict disciplinarian. A lot of what my young eyes saw did not prepare me for what I read in this book. As they say in HAITI, nothing is what they seem.         January 20, 2000; Amazon.com, By “A Customer”

Charities, such as that Cadet represented, pursued the issue with gusto, further inflating figures and creating an image of Haiti as the largest slave state since Cuban emancipation–an ironic accolade for the country that evolved out of the only successful slave revolt in history. In the scramble to solicit donations, Internet sites for organizations like Haitian Street Kids Inc. (HSKI 2007), further inflated the numbers and lumped homeless street urchins with the restavek in even more absurd and self-contradictory claims such as “There are currently over 400,000 child slaves as young as 4 years old throughout Haiti,” telling the reader that they “often times are beaten to death,” and that if one were to go to Haiti—which few readers ever will—they can identify the restavek by “their torn rags and tattered clothes hanging from their strained and feeble limbs, often times begging for food and money” (HSKI 2007).

The main point that I am trying to make is that the reaction to child labor and the sensationalism of the presentations reflect the extremity of the mainstream Western view of children in which having children for the purpose of exploiting their labor is criminal. The fact is that, as we already know, Haitian children living with their parents also work, something that likely occurs among impoverished farmers throughout the world and certainly occurred widely in the 17th to early 20th century United States. In David Lancy’s (2007: 280) ethnology of child-adult play he noted that pushing Western values of child-adult play on other societies and impoverished peoples is “tantamount to a condemnation of the child-rearing beliefs and behaviors of three fourths of the world’s parents.” Indeed, by definition of the 1956 UN Supplementary Convention on the Abolition of Slavery, the Slave Trade, and Institutions and Practices Similar to Slavery, the Haitian parents seen in earlier chapters are in violation of Convention 138 under the Child Labor Code (Fafo 2002: 33). Thus, the interesting point is not that rural Haitians are hard on their children or that they do not love their children. The interesting point is that mainstream Western conventions regarding children are so out of synchrony with the reality of poverty that it made the childrearing practices and goals of many impoverished peoples of the world illegal.

This ‘discrimination’ has an impact on the social scientist. Members of the Western educated elite but with a strong tendency toward advocacy on the part of those they study, anthropologists are subject to a definitive reluctance to bring attention to cultural values that Westerners regard as disparaging if not criminal. The Western anthropologist who reveals “his people” as thinking of their offspring first and foremost not in terms of love and companionship, but in terms of labor and material necessity has, by Western standards, done a disservice to his former hosts. He has portrayed them in the annals of the ethnographic literature as criminal, calloused and selfish.

In regard to child labor, the degree to which this bias and the pro-Western values that drive it have penetrated the anthropological literature is evidenced by the five articles of the June 2007 special edition of American Anthropologist focusing on children and reviewing the 20th century anthropological literature on child studies. There is only one, just one, passing mention of ethnographies of children at work. That reference was Lancy himself (2007: 277), who tersely summed up ethnographic references to child work, saying that “the primary reason adults [in the developing communities studied] are likely to take a jaundiced view of children at play is because they would rather see them working” (Lancy cited Bock and Johnson 2004; Munroe et al. 1984; and more specifically, for the Maya, Modiano 1973: 55; for the Yoruba, Oloko 1994:211; and for the Hadza, Blurton-Jones 1993: 317).

Other Value Campaigns and Agendas

The reflexivity and critical scrutiny I am trying to bring out with this review is not new to most anthropologists but is nevertheless seldom incorporated in our literature reviews: the conclusions made by scholars working in the Caribbean are readily linked to our own values, political policies, humanitarian decisions, and the funding sources that send scholars to the field. Moreover, this bias is consistently present. More recent investigations bolster the point. The most cited recent article on Caribbean family structure is Evelyn Blackwood (2005), who indicted both traditional anthropologists and feminists for reinforcing male bias with its hidden presumption that the prominence of women was somehow unusual. She is correct, at least in her basic point, but her own research and her demands for specific new directions in researching alternative forms of marriage and same-sex relationships are embedded in queer anthropology. Not that I object to her motivations; only to emphasize that as with almost every major work on the Caribbean family, the study is part of a value campaign. She made her indictments as an active member of the Society of Lesbian and Gay Anthropologists (SOLGA) and with the objective of promoting the recognition of same-sex marriage, even calling for—and obtaining—an official statement from the American Anthropological Association that marriage between a man and woman was not cross-culturally universal, the implication being that same sex marriage was not an unnatural state of human matrimony and calling for boycotts of presses that published books contradicting that position (see SOLGA website, www.solga.org).

There is also Quinlan (2006: 476), another of the most prominent contemporary Caribbeanists. He recently turned the earlier feminists on their head when he described Caribbean men as “victims of their social environment,” but he did so as an agent of the growing and well-funded campaign against addiction and substance abuse.

It is this type of embedded-ness that led to a decided failure to develop a cohesive explanatory model for why Caribbean family patterns were different from mainstream Western ideals. Civil rights struggles underwritten by political parties, social welfare campaigns underwritten by colonial governments, research on the role of women underwritten by feminists organizations, contraceptive and female health campaigns underwritten by international organizations bent on reducing high birth rates, gay rights activists, AIDs awareness campaigners, and substance abuse programs came to have a decisive influence on the scholarly representation and explanations for Caribbean familial patterns. Most anthropologists were distinctly enmeshed in their own biases and the biases of the institutions that funded them. Those who were not—such as Otterbein and Kunstadter—lacked the resources, audience, or incentives to continue their studies.

I want to make it clear that I am not saying that the research cited above is bad research. Each of the researchers had specific objectives, most of the objectives meritorious, and most of the research of such a high quality that it can be used to detect other patterns or to disqualify certain conclusions made by the authors. But what I am saying is that the research objectives of the authors and the institutions that funded them undermined balanced interpretations. Moreover, before concluding, I want to show how the campaigns to change behavior, those in which anthropological research was embedded, also undermined the information given by informants in the field.

The Impact of Value Campaigns on Informants

Another aspect of the state-sponsored campaigns described above is that they create a proactive bias among church officials and agents of international institutions that, funded by the State and foreign and domestic NGOS, define their success by the degree to which they can convince constituents, clients, and students to adopt those values, if not in deed then at least in word. By dint of their control over the distribution of grades, jobs, food aid, used clothing, agricultural extension services, and life-saving medications, these practitioners in the field promote specific values. Police officers, aid workers, administrators, seminar specialists, health care workers, preachers, schoolteachers, justices of the peace, lawyers, professors, and, not to be left out, anthropologists themselves teach—if not force—their impoverished subjects, aid recipients, clients, patients, and dependents to espouse specific Western elite values, values that the impoverished people upon whom they are being thrust often do not in practice share.

An example of the insidious impact this promotion of values has on data can be garnered from the surveys I conducted in Jean Rabel. The NHADS survey upon which many of the conclusions in this study were based was largely targeted to give feedback regarding contraceptive and health campaigns being carried out by the NGOs that funded the survey. Assistants who helped train interviewers were Western-educated doctors, nutritionists, and agronomists. Moreover, many of the interviewers had been participants in past health and agricultural programs and they had already been sensitized to the values associated with these programs. This came out clearly in their active promotion of those values, specifically the priority placed on fewer children. While training them to conduct the interviews about fertility and how many children farmers wanted, we recorded the following exchange between a twenty-four-year-old high school-educated male interviewer and a thirty-five-year-old Jean Rabel farmer who is the father of six children:

Interviewer: What quantity of children is best to have?

Farmer: Okay. Quantity of children that is best? Ah, there, eh. . . . There are no children better than other children.

Interviewer:No. What quantity. As in number. I could say three, four children, five, six children. What quantity do you see as best?

Farmer: The biggest child. That’s the one for me.

Interviewer: It is not the biggest or the smallest! Quantity! That means if you have a quantity of children, four children, five children. Which is best?

Farmer:It is best you have two, three, or six. If God gives them to you, it is best you take them.

Interviewer: Okay. Why do you say three children?

As exemplified in the exchange, our informants, similar to small farmers throughout Haiti, were stubbornly resistant to saying how many children they wanted—perhaps because they too knew that they were not supposed to want many. In contrast, the interviewers, high school-educated and seasoned participants in NGO seminars, tended to make the decision for them, consistently in the direction they thought proper (fewer children). Exchanges such as this, highly typical, destroyed any hope of directly measuring the number of children farmers really wanted; we could retrain the interviewer—at least we thought we could—but we could not make the farmers less elusive.

To get around the problem we introduced this question: “A husband and wife with three children versus one with six children, which is economically better off?” The problem, initially at least, did not end there. The following interview involved a twenty-six-year-old female university-educated interviewer questioning a thirty-four-year-old rural mother of five:

Interviewer: Who is better off, a couple with three children or the couple with six

children?

Mother: All children are good.

Interviewer: No. I am asking you, respond three or respond six.

Mother: Eh, if, eh. Okay. Normally, concerning children, if God gives you three children, he doesn’t give you any more, you just have to live with what God gave you.

Interviewer: Yes. You have to live with what he gave you. But it is a question that I am asking you.

Mother:I am following you Madanmwazel. Honestly.

Interviewer: Yes. I understand. “Honestly.” But I am asking you, concerning this question, three or six, which is better? You must decide if it is three or six.

(Silence)

Mother: Six.

Interviewer: Why?

Mother: They are there. They will help you.

Interviewer: Three can help you too. But six?

Mother: Yes, six. Six can help you more. Some will go to the garden. Some to the water. Some will do laundry.

Interviewer: (Silence)

Mother: Okay. Three.

Conclusion

The trend toward a plethora of nondemonstrable explanations that contradict hard data regarding causes of important issues such as high fertility, kinship, family, and courtship practices has largely undermined an understanding of what motivates people in impoverished or “under-globalized” areas of the world. The trend is especially evident in the Caribbean. What we see in this bias is the connection between social scientists, the agendas of organizations that fund them. Anthropologists are one manifestation of Western and elite Judeo-Christian hegemony exercised through the control of states and international organizations. Be it a campaign to reduce fertility, to promote feminist values, democracy, or corporate interests, anthropologists issue forth from the academies and scatter about the world collecting data precisely in response to funds made available by the most powerful institutions in the world, institutions such as the U.S. government, the Ford Foundation, the EU, the UN, and the World Bank. Whether this is good or bad, right or wrong, is not the issue. Studies of birth rates or substance abuse or marriage patterns or homosexuality are inextricably linked to the promotion or repression of these practices. In addition to their own values, the agendas of funding agencies and competition among scholars and NGOs for funding compel anthropologists to bias their conclusions. Funding agencies’ “value campaigns” also have an impact on our informants, an impact beyond the reach of newly arrived anthropologists but one that can determine the outcome and conclusions of our studies. Haitians and other impoverished informants have been taught what we want to hear: that beating children is wrong; that babies should be exclusively breastfed; that fewer children are better than many children; that children must be sent to school. This makes it difficult to reveal what impoverished people really believe and aspire to.

 

*****

 

Notes

  1. In his 1957 study, Frazier, himself African American, accused wealthy blacks of accepting, “unconditionally, the values of the white bourgeois world” because “they do not truly identify themselves with Negroes.”
  2. Herskovits came to be associated with explanations for Caribbean family patterns based solely on African survivals and Frazier became identified—somewhat unfairly—with a slavery origins argument. These theoretical positions persist in the literature today. In respect to family patterns, Barrow (1986), and Sutton and Makiesky-Barrow (1970: 297) emphasize both approaches. Abraham (1993) recently argued in favor of slavery as a primary condition for the emergence of modern Caribbean family patterns.
  3. The problem with matrifocality and the misuse of the concept is also exemplified in another prominent work. Safa (1986), an excellent field researcher/anthropologist and a leading feminist scholar who was seen above saying that “Caribbean women learned not to depend on men for financial or even emotional support,” expanded on this misrepresentation, subsequently titling a book Myth of the Male Breadwinner (1995), thus bequeathing to a generation of anthropologists the enduring image of Caribbean women being historically independent of financial support from men. She drove the point home in her introductions with sweeping conclusions and claims regarding the English Caribbean tradition of “matrifocality” as if it were a self-perpetuating institution, something that had little to do with reality or even with her own findings. Her studies were not about the historic Caribbean, nor were they about the English or French Caribbean; they were carried out in the Spanish Caribbean, an area so socioeconomically distinct that Safa herself is one of the few researchers to have ever made a comparison. Moreover, her studies in the Spanish Caribbean demonstrated not that there was a historic tradition of “matrifocality”—as she claimed—but rather the contrary, that “matrifocality” was a response to increasing urbanization and industrialization. Indeed, given her evidence for nonhistorical causation, a better title for Safa’s book would have been Myth of Matrifocality (for a similar conclusion regarding matrifocality and feminism see Branche 2002: 89). As for the “mythical male breadwinner,” it was seen in chapter 17 that in the traditional Caribbean he really existed. Or at least some version of him.
  4. See Catherine Maternowska (1996) for an excellent investigation of the problems of insensitive health care workers and contraceptive distribution in the Port-au-Prince slum area of Cité Soleil.
  5. Sub-Commission on the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights Working Group on Contemporary Forms of Slavery, 25th Session, Geneva.

 

******

 

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